Chapter 5: Setting Down New Roots: Andalusi Muslims After The Expulsion

It would be inaccurate to say that the only large scale and concerted wave of Muslim emigrants to leave Spain for the Maghrib and elsewhere was from 1610-1614. These final expulsions should be put in the context of the other concerted immigrations of Muslims. The first of these were right after the fall of Garnata in 1492 as many people rushed to leave during the period between 1492-1502, (which is when enforced conversion, as a policy, was implemented). One of the notable émigrés from this period is Ibn Al Azraq, the former Qadi of Garnata, who had gone to the Mamlukes to ask for aid against the Christian occupiers of Garnata. In addition, there was the exodus of Muslims after the Germania revolts of 1521 in Arghun and their forced conversions over there. We must not forget that intermittently, and continuously, from 1492 onwards, there was constant covert emigration from Spain to Dar Al Islam other than during the two above mentioned time periods. Furthermore, it has to be kept in mind that all of Andalus had been conquered by the Christians by 1252 CE, (except for Garnata), so it has to be safely assumed that, initially, there was a two pronged flow of Muslims out of these conquered areas either into the Maghrib, (or elsewhere in Dar Al Islam), or into Garnata, (which was the last remaining Muslims stronghold left in Andalus) prior to 1252 and up to the 1400’s. Two of the more prominent of these early emigrants was Imam Tartushi[1] and Imam Ibn Al Arabi[2], (a native of Seville/Ishbilliyah).

The majority of the early flow of emigrants were initially flocking to Garnata, reluctant to leave Andalus, (the land of their fathers), but still unwilling to live as mudajjan under Christian rule. For Garnata, the economic and intellectual gains were enormous due the multifaceted skill sets of the new immigrants and, as a result, Garnata prospered from 1252 to the middle of the 15th century CE. As we entered into the 1400’s, the Muslims that were in the conquered territories realized that time was running out on Garnata and decided instead to leave to the Magrhib or elsewhere in Dar Al Islam, (Sham, Egypt and elsewhere). As for the Muslims inside Garnata during this period, some of them decided to leave Garnata, seeing the imminent occurrence of an invasion by the Christians, (who were now united and invigorated whereas Garnata was falling apart and lacked foreign assistance from the Maghrib in the form of the mujahideen of old, such as Yusuf bin Tashfin, to save them).

Muslims that arrived from Andalus into the Maghrib before the fall of Garnata in 1492, came in small numbers, and as a result could secure themselves a comfortable life and, sometimes, important government positions, (Abun-Nasr, 142). As for those that came after the fall of Garnata, (during the three periods described above), they came in large numbers and did not achieve as much a success as the Muslims that came before them. Their woes were compounded by the fact that there existed a streak of arrogance within Andalusi Muslims to view their Magrhibi brethren with disdain, as they would say in America, ‘country bumpkins.’ The Andalusis saw themselves as culturally more refined and, after the fall of Garnata, their expulsion from Andalus and their arrival in the maghrib, the Andalusis grew more outspoken in their criticism of life in the Maghrib, and, essentially in Dar Al Islam. In fact,

“…One Muslim from Baza [Basta] who went to Africa ‘to seek adventure’ returned to Valencia in order to become a Christian. Another from Málaga endeavored to return to Granada ‘after not liking the said land [North Africa].’ Among the Valencian Muslims returning home after the panicked flight to the Maghrib in 1502 was Azmet Aniza of Alcudiola. He longed for Valencia, ‘because in that land [Africa] he did not have what [was necessary] to live.’ Stated bluntly, some Muslims, so long as they could practice Islam, preferred eating in Valencia to starvation in an Islamic land. Pragmatism, survival instinct, striking the best deal possible with one’s lord, and the Valencian Muslim’s deep attachment to the land of the Sharq al-Andalus, (Meyerson, 84).”

This sentiment is captured in a fatwa penned by Imam Ahmad Al Wanshirisi of Fez, one of the most prominent Maliki Imams of the Maghrib. In 1489 CE, he sent a fatwa to a questioner from Andalus, Abd Allāh bin Qateyah (probably a jurisprudent from Andalus), regarding the obligation to emigrate from Andalus in light of the imminent collapse of Andalus, (keep in mind by this time, almost all of Garnata was in Christian hands save for a few isolated outposts and the city itself). The fatwa was titled “The Most Sublime Transaction: A Clarification of [the Legal Status] of Anyone Whose Homeland Has Been Conquered by the Christians and Who Did Not Emigrate, and the Punishments and Restrictions That Ensue for Him,[3]” and in it Wanshirisi was asked:

“It is that some of the Andalusians who emigrated from Andalusia, leaving homes, lands, orchards, vineyards, and other kinds of landed property and spending in addition large sums of cash for the purpose, departing from under infidel rule, claimed that they were fleeing to Allāh to save their faith, their lives, their wives, and their children and whatever wealth remained in their hands or in the hands of some of them. They settled—May Allāh be Praised – in the Abode of Islam under obedience to Allāh, His messenger, and the rule of a Muslim authority. However, having arrived in the Abode of Islam, they regretted having emigrated and became dissatisfied. They claimed that they found conditions difficult for them and that they had not found in the Abode of Islam — namely the land of Morocco, may Allāh protect it, defend its land, and aid its sultan — kindness, prosperity, or support in their search for a livelihood in general company nor easy, nor support, nor did they find in the lands at their disposal safety or suitability and they avow publicly with all that precedes with disgusting speech proving their weakness in religion and their incorrect certainty in their aqeedah and proving their hijrah was not for Allāh and his messenger as they claim and it was only for the obtainment of the dunya as soon as they arrived according to their desires. So, whenever they found that not according to their desires, they disparaged Dar Al Islam and its condition and they insulted the one who was the cause of their making hijrah and they cursed him and they praised Dar Al Kufr and its people and regretted leaving it. Perhaps, it is recorded from some of them, that he spoke with ungratefulness to Dar Al Islam, which is this land, may Allāh protect it: “We are making hijrah from there [Andalus] to here [Morocco] while we should be making hijrah from here to there!” and another one said: “If the Castillian King comes to our side, we’ll go to him and request him to take us back there [Castille], meaning to Dar Al Kufr. And also from some of them, that they desire to perform legal ruse [Heela] to return to Dar Al Kufr to enter under ‘kafir protection’[4] however possible, (Wanshirisi, 119-120).”

Wanshirisi began by thoroughly expounding the obligatory nature of hijrah from Dar Al Kufr and then turned to the subject of this mentioned in the question, who disparage Dar Al Islam and prefer Dar Al Kufr over it:

“…And what was mentioned in the question about the onset of regret and discontent by some of the muhajireen from Dar Al Harb[5] to Dar Al Islam and of what they claim in difficulty of livelihood and of the absence of the ability to ‘enjoy life’ is a baseless interpretation in the eyes of the venerable Shariah. So none [should] misinterpret this meaning and consider it, and put [it] in front of his eyes, except for one weak in his yaqeen[6], nay, one lacking in intelligence and deen! How is it possible that this interpretation would bring about a proof for the cessation of hijrah from Dar Al Harb while in the land of Islam, Allāh’s word is elevated in a wide and spacious domain for the strong and the weak, and the light and heavy.[7] And Allāh has spread out the lands so one can seek protection in them if he has been afflicted with this tragedy of kufr and this sudden strike of the Christians upon his deen, his wife and his offspring?! Indeed a large group, a noble fellowship of the noble Sahaba, (may Allāh be pleased with them) and the greatest of them, made hijrah to the lands of Habasha [Ethiopia] running away with their religion [intact] from the harassment of the mushrikeen, the people of Makkah. Among them was Jafar Ibn Abi Talib and Abu Salama Ibn Abd Al Asad and Uthman Ibn Affaan, and Abu Ubayda Al Jarrah, and the condition of the land of Habasha was very well known,[8] and others migrated to other lands. They[9] abandoned their lands, wealth, offspring and fathers and they forsook them, fought them and waged war against them, clinging to their deen and rejecting their dunya.

And how is it that a chance, from amongst the chances [is given to make hijrah to the Maghrib] that leaving it would not disrupt prospering amongst the Muslims nor would its rejection affect the sustenance of those seeking provision. Especially this religious land of the Maghrib, may Allāh protect from its heart to its borders and increase it in honor and nobility and protect it from the foreigners and distress.[10] It is the most fertile land from the lands of Allāh and the land with the most contentment across its lands, especially the lands of Fas [Fez], in its domains and its regions compared to all sides and regions?![11]

If this misconception was sound, and Allāh forbid that the one who came up with it is lacking in the necessary intelligence and lacking in the right opinion and understanding, then he has established upon his despicable and contemptable self an argument and a banner of [indicating his] preferring the despicable vanities of this world over the religious duty [whose benefit] is saved for the hereafter.  And how evil is this preference and fondness, and he, whoever preferred this or fell into [this trap], has become a failure and a loser.

Will not the deceived one, the one who is regretful, realize his transaction in regards to his emigration from a land of Trinity, the land in which the [church] bells are rung and Satan is worshipped and the Most Merciful is denied, that all the man has is his deen, since with it is his everlasting salvation and happiness in the hereafter and for it he favors sacrificing his precious life over his reputed wealth.

Allāh says:

يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا لا تُلْهِكُمْ أَمْوالُكُمْ و لا أَولادُكُمْ عَن ذِكْرِ اللَّهِ و مَن يَفْعَلْ ذَلِكَ فَأُولَئِكَ هُمُ الْخَاسِرُونَ12

O you who believe! Let not your properties or your children divert you from the remembrance of Allāh. And whosoever does that, then they are the losers

And Allāh says:

إِنَّمَا أَمْوالُكُمْ و أَولادُكُمْ فِتْنَةٌ و اللَّهُ عِندَهُ أَجْرٌ عَظِيمٌ13

Your wealth and your children are only a Fitnah, whereas Allāh! With Him is a great reward

The greatest and most noble benefits of wealth known to the people of intellect, is to spend it in Allāhs way, desiring his pleasure, so how does he rush into obstinacy and throw himself prostrate for or hastens to befriend the enemy all for the sake of [wealth]? Indeed Allāh has said:

فَتَرَى الَّذِينَ فِي قُلُوبِهِم مَّرَضٌ يُسَارِعُونَ فِيهِمْ يَقُولُونَ نَخْشَى أَن تُصِيبَنَا دَآئِرَةٌ14

And you see those in whose hearts there is a disease, they hurry to their friendship, saying: “We fear lest some misfortune of a disaster may befall us.”

And the ‘misfortune’ mentioned in this verse is the loss of possession of property and wealth, so he has been described as having a disease in his heart and weakness of yaqeen. And if he had been strong in his deen and correct in his yaqeen, confident in Allāh, and dependent upon him, and relying upon him [for support], he would not have neglected the fundamental principle of trust, because of its elevated rank, and its increase of the fruits[15], and its testifying to correct iman and strong yaqeen.

If this has happened, no leave at all to return or not emigrate is to be given to anyone whom you have mentioned. He is not to be excused, no matter whether he accomplishes it by great hardship or subtle device. Whenever he finds a way to free himself from the noose of the infidels and finds no kin to defend him and protectors to pity him, and he consents to remain in a place where the faith is being oppressed and Muslim rites are forbidden to be practiced openly, he is a renegade from the faith and has joined the community of the infidels. One’s duty is to flee from an abode that has been conquered by people of polytheism and loss to an abode of safety and faith. When they try to excuse themselves, one should reply to them:

أَلَمْ تَكُنْ أَرْضُ اللّهِ واسِعَةً16

Was not Allāh’s earth spacious enough?

In other words, to wherever an emigrant turns, even if he is weak, he will find Allāh’s earth wide and extensive. There is no excuse for anyone who is able, be it the difficulty of doing or contriving it, or difficulty of earning one’s living, or constrained circumstances. The only one who has an excuse is some one abased and utterly unable, who can find no device or way at all.  Whoever took the initiative to flee and hurried in transporting himself from the land of ruin[17] to the land of the righteous. So that is the clear constant urging concerning the situation of the life of this world for what it would become for his condition in the hereafter, because the one, for whom righteous deeds are made easy for, then victory and success is hoped for him. And for whoever the evil deeds are made easy for, then destruction and loss is feared for him. May Allāh make us and you from among those for whom he smoothens the path of ease [goodness] and those who benefit from admonition[18]

What you have mentioned concerning these muhajireen from their disgusting speech and their cursing of Dar Al Islam and their hoping for return to the the abode of polytheism[19] and idols and anything other than that from that which is abominable and vile and which only is said by lowly and depraved people. Humilition in this world is mandatory upon them and in the Hereafter and they should be lowered down to the worst of statuses…

These are the judgments that apply to them in this world. As for the judgment that will be passed in the next world on those who spent their lives and passed their old age and youth in living with and befriending them, did not emigrate, or emigrated and then returned to the country of non belief, and intentionally committed a great sin until the time of their death — one takes refuge in Allāh! However, on the basis of their true religion, they will not dwell eternally in torment. The torment of people who commit great sins will end and they will be freed by the intercession of our master, Prophet, and protector Muhammad, the elect and chosen one, as mentioned in sound traditions…

The words of the man of feeble mind and religion that you have mentioned, (‘Let him emigrate hither!’), in a tone of scorn and mockery, and the words of the other fool that if the ruler of Castille crosses over to here, we would go to him, and so forth — his disgusting words and disgraceful expression – the ugliness of expression in the words of each of them is not hidden to your excellency, nor is the meanness and repugnancy of each of them hidden. No one would utter or countenance such sayings except someone whose soul has become foolish and who has lost – one takes refuge in Allāh — his sense, one who would abolish that whose transmission and meaning are sound, that which no one has disagreed about banning in all the inhabited Islamic world from the rising of the sun to its setting — and all for corrupt purposes that in the view of the law have neither head nor tail, fantastic purposes that could only issue from a heart possessed by the devil, so that he has made it forget the sweetness of faith and the countries in which it can be found. Whoever commits these things and becomes entangled in them has hastened short-term and long-term shame to his vile self. Except that he is equal253 in his disobedience, sin, enmity, hatred, loathesomeness, remoteness, deficiency, and worthiness of the greatest ignominiousness and reprehensibility to someone who completely abstains from leaving through befriending the enemies and living among strangers. For the limit of what has issued from these two vile men is a decision; which is a resolving and preparing the mind for action, but they have not acted…(Wanshirisi, 132)”

Wanshirisi received another question from the same questioner as before, Abu AbdAllāh Bin Qateyah, asking about a different scenario that he encountered in Valencia, with one of the Ahl Al Dajn:

“…A man from the people of Marbella who is known for his virtue and religiosity stayed behind and did not make Hijrah along with the people of his land. He did that in order to search for his brother who was lost beforehand while fighting the enemy in the land of war. He searched for information about him but even up till now he has not found him and he has given up hope of [finding] him. He intended to emigrate but another matter appeared before him which is that he is a spokesman and an aid for the Dhimmi Muslims where he resides and for those who neighbor him who are like him in western Andalus. He speaks on their behalf to the Christian rulers concerning what has befallen those [Muslims] from the disasters of their time. He also argues on their behalf and saves them, over and over again, from great predicaments, whereas many of them are incapable of handling that [duty] themselves. Rather, little it is that they would find the likes of him [skilled] in that art if he was to make Hijrah. They will also face great harm if they lose him.

Could it be permitted for him to reside with them under the rule of the Millah Kafirah[20] due to the benefit of his residing there for those poor Dhimmis even though he is capable of making Hijrah whenever he wants? Or would it not be permitted for him since they [Dhimmi Muslims] also do not have any permission to reside there where the laws of kufr are imposed over them, especially since it was permitted for them to make Hijrah and especially since [most of them] are capable of making it whenever they wish!…(Wanshirisi, )”

Wanshirisi answered thus:

“…Indeed our Deity, the One and Powerful, has surely made humiliation and lowliness for the cursed kuffar. Chained and shackled do they wander about the lands, in the major cities and territories to proclaim the honor of Islam and the honor of its chosen Prophet (صلَّى الله عليه وسلَّم). Whoever tries from amongst the Muslims, may Allāh protect and save them, to reverse those chains and shackles onto his own neck then he has indeed opposed Allāh and His messenger and has presented himself to the anger of the Noble, the Mighty. He deserves that Allāh should cast him in the Fire along with them!

كَتَبَ اللَّهُ لأَغْلِبَنَّ أَنَا و رُسُلِي إِنَّ اللَّهَ قَوِيٌّ عَزِيزٌ

Allāh has written (i.e. decreed) “I will surely overcome, I and My messengers.” Indeed Allāh is Powerful and Exalted in Might.[21]

What is obligatory upon every believer who believes in Allāh and the Last Day is to labor in protecting the apex[22] of faith by distancing and fleeing from residing with the enemies of the beloved of Al Rahmān[23] [the Prophet (صلَّى الله عليه وسلَّم)]. The problem with the residing of the virtuous [person] mentioned due to what has appeared of necessity of interpretation between the tyrant and those under his custody of the Dajan and disobedient people[24] is that he is not freed of the obligation of making Hijrah. No one, except an ignorant or one who purposely ignores [the truth] or one who is of defective nature, can think on the contrary…This is because residing with the kuffaar, save those who are Dhimmis or Ahl As-Sighaar[25], is not permissible nor is it allowed for an hour [any moment] of a day! That is due to what it will bring forth of filth, impurities and corruption in the religious sense and the worldly sense for ages to come!

Among (those results of filth, impurity and corruption in religion and worldly affairs) is: that the goal of the Shariah is to make the Word of Islam and the Testimony to the Truth established upon its emergence and overpowering other [words] besides it[26]. It [Islam] is too exalted from disdain of it and too exalted from the appearance of the signs of kufr upon it. Residing with them [kuffaar] under humiliation and inferiority necessitates, and it is only obvious that it would do so, that this High, Noble and Elevated Word be low and not high and scorned not exalted. This violation of the principles and fundamentals of the Shari’ah should be enough for you [to realize its incorrectness] and for the one who endures and is patient upon it [this contradiction] his whole life without any necessity or compulsion!…

…Jihad for the exaltation of the Word of Truth and for the obliteration of kufr is amongst the fundamental deeds of Islam and it is a collective duty[27] [upon the Muslims] and when there is dire need[28]. Especially in these locations of the residency of the one questioned about and [lands in] its vicinity. Therefore, they [the Muslims of these areas are of two types in that] either have a exigency[29] preventing them from it [waging jihad] completely, such as the one who is resolute/intent on leaving it [jihad] without necessity. The one who is resolute/intent on giving it [jihad] up without necessity is the one who abandons it intentionally and voluntarily. [The second type is] the one boldly embarking upon its [jihad’s] antithesis by aiding their rulers [Awliyaa’] against the Muslims[30], by either their lives or with their wealth. They have become, therefore, harbiyoon [belligerents] along with the mushrikeen.

This violation and misguidance should be enough for you!

It has then become clear, from this account, the deficiency of their Salah, fasting, Zakah and Jihad. Their failure to exalt the Word of Allāh and the Testimony of Truth is also clear. Their neglect for its high regard, its glorification, its exaltation from the scorn of the kuffar and the fraud of the immoral people [fujjaar] is also clear. So how is it that a law maker should hesitate and that a devout person should doubt in prohibiting his residence along with its being contrary to all of these noble and lofty principles of Islam? Along with what is associated and affiliated with this subjugated residence from that which does not separate from it mostly of worldly humiliation and the bearing of lowliness and disgrace!? It is also, along with that, contrary to the known honor of the Muslims with their high prestige! It also calls towards scorn of the deen [Islam] and injustice to it which consists of [different] matters which make the ears tremble!

Among those (matters) is: degradation, scorn and indignity while the Prophet (صلَّى الله عليه وسلَّم) has said,

لا ينبغي لمسلم أن يذل نفسه

It does not befit a Muslim that he should degrade himself.[31]

And he has said:

اليد العليا خير من اليد السفلى

“The higher hand is better than the lower hand.[32]

And among those [matters] is: disdain and mockery. No one who has a sense of honor will bear that without necessity…

…Another matter is: fear from trials in religion. Say that the elders and intelligent ones will be safe from them, but who then will save the young ones, foolish ones and the weak women if the leaders of the enemies and their devils are assigned over them?

Another matter is: fear of trials of the male and female sexual organs [lit. penises and vaginas] and when will a spouse of a wife, daughter or pure relative be safe from a vile one from the ‘dogs’ and ‘pigs’ of the enemies, that he happens to come upon them [i.e. wife, daughter or pure relative] and delude her from herself and make her misguide herself in her religion and to take possession over her so that she obeys him and he comes between her and her legal guardian by her defecting [in her deen] or by trials in her deen. Like what happened to the daughter-in-law of Al-Mu’tamad bin Abbaad[33] and to what she has of children, may Allāh protect us from trials and the misfortunes of the enemies.[34]

Another matter is: fear of walking with them, mixing with them and fear from their tongues along with fear of their ugly taxes of the residents over long years as occurred to the people of Avila and others. They also lost the Arabic language in total and when the [Arabic] language is lost in total, so too are the acts of worship lost. And what a [tragedy it is], the loss of the verbal acts of worship being that they are so many and that their virtue is so great!

…The Imam of Dar ul-Hijrah [Madinah] Abu Abdillah Malik ibn Anas [Imam Malik] (may Allāh be pleased with him) said:

“Indeed the verse of Hijrah puts forth that it is necessary for each Muslim to leave from the lands which the Sunan are changed or other than the truth is acted upon.”

…There is then no room for the virtuous person mentioned in his residing in the mentioned place for the mentioned purpose. No permission for him nor for his companions concerning what has happened upon their clothes and bodies of the impurities and filth since pardon from that is conditional to difficulty of avoidance and inaccessibility and there is no difficulty due to their choice of residing and acting upon what is contrary to correctness…(ibid, )”

The conditions Wanshirisi had laid down, (prior to the fall of Granata, the conversion campaigns and the multiple attempts at expelling the Muslims), were clear and precise, with copious citations, but it would seem a large number of the Muslims of Garnata either chose willingly to not listen to him or due to lack of means, even if they knew of the fatwa, could not emigrate to Dar Al Islam. How else could one explain the large numbers of Muslims that remained even after the fall of Garnata? In light of what was mentioned about the Mudajjan previously, it is not surprising that many of them chose to be humiliated further due their love of the kuffaar and their ways.

However, if it were just Imam Wanshirisi raising his voice in the wilderness, it would have been understandable that the Ahl Dajn chose to stay in Dar Al Kufr. However these fatawa were available to the Muslims of Arghun, Valencia and even Garnata, as Muslim Muftis from Garnata released fatwas concerning the obligation of hijrah to Dar Al Islam. Keep in Mind, prior to the fall of the Garnata, the Ahl Al Dajn of Valencia and Arghun chose to willingly stay there and not leave to the then Islamic territory of Garnata, (not to mention the Maghrib). In the early 14th century CE, Muhammad Bin ‘Ali Al Ansari Al Haffir of Garnata wrote a fatwa concerning those Ahl Al Dajn residing in Valencia and Arghun especially, (the translation of the fatwa, the arabic and the original manuscript is included in Appendices A-C). He was asked:

“…your answer [is requested] concerning the Mudajjaleen residing in the land of the Christians and living in their land among them. Is emigration to the land of Islam obligatory for them? (Miller, 278)”

He was also asked about matters pertaining to one spouse wanting to make hijrah, while the other did not. He answered:

“The Prophet (صلَّى الله عليه وسلَّم) said:

أنا بريء من [كل] مسلم مقيم مع المشركين

I am free from any Muslim residing alongside the mushrikeen[35]

[Thus] it is not permitted for a Muslim who has the capacity to emigrate from exposure to the infidels to remain among them, because they are subject to the laws of unbelief and because they constantly witness lack of belief in Allāh [kufr] and [yet] they do not have the capacity to change it. It is incumbent upon them to emigrate from [this] place, therefore, since it is not permitted for a Muslim to keep company with one who engages in the sinful activities of drinking wine, committing adultery, or other sinful acts. How much the more so is it not permitted to live with one who does not believe in Allāh and tells lies about His Prophet? Thus, emigration should be regarded as a duty by virtue of ijma’ [consensus of the community]. If one of the spouses wants to emigrate from the land of the infidel and approach [Dar Al Islam], and the other refuses, then he has no excuse on this account but should [nevertheless] emigrate and leave his/her spouse. For religious interests must prevail over Maslaha…(ibid).”

This fatwa was not only available to he Muslims of not only Garnata, but also Valencia and Arghun, as it has been found in records of the Muslims of these areas by way of Inquisitional Court records, and also by hidden libraries unearthed recently, (such as the Almonacid collection). Morever, another Garnatan Mufti, Yusuf bin abi Al Qasim Al ‘Adari Al Mawwaq, released  a fatwa after the fall of Garnata in 1492 answering questions about the obligation of fleeing from Dar Al Kufr, (Fatwa is available through Appendices D-F). The questioner asked:

“…If there is a man with two parents, or one of them, [living] in the Dar Al Harb, is it incumbent upon him [fard], permitted, or recommended, to visit them or not, even if this results in neglecting them? If you say the first [viz., it is incumbent upon him to visit], should he visit them and return, or may he reside [there], [if] they request this of him? And does [this pertain] even if Christian authority and their laws apply to him, especially if he fears for his life? What is the judgment, may Allāh be satisfied with you, regarding one who is living in the Dar Al Harb…? Is it obligatory for him to leave? Even if this [would] lead to his begging for alms in the land of Muslims? Or it is preferable [yastahib] for him, or is it permissible [yajooz]?…(ibid, 284).”

Imam Mawwaq answered:

“…If the parents have the capacity to emigrate or leave from Dar Al Harb or the land of Shirk, without danger or fear, then it is not permitted to them to remain there, [even] if this leads to their impoverishment and their begging for alms. Indeed, the Companions of the Prophet-peace be upon Him-had emigrated and left behind what belonged to them. Some of the Ahl Al-Suffa[36] among them were supported by the alms of Muslims. The Prophet (صلَّى الله عليه وسلَّم) when he received alms, would send it to them. Under such circumstances it is not permitted to their son to travel to them for a visit and for any other thing which is not obligatory. If they do not have the capacity to emigrate, and he has the means to bring them out and rescue them from the ignominy of unbelief, then it is his obligation to do so; otherwise, it is also not permissible for him to visit them-even though [from another perspective] it is recommended on account of the fact that entry into [Dar Al Harb] results in [viz., his parents] contentment-because this also leads to entering under the ignominy of unbelief and that is a religious sin against Allāh. No obedience is owed to a created [human being] if [it entails] disobeying the Creator…As for one who has an excuse, he is excused on account of that excuse: For one whose effort is pious, Allāh magnifies his reward. Allāh the Almighty said:

فَمَن يَعْمَلْ مِثْقَالَ ذَرَّةٍ خَيْراً يَرَهُ- وَمَن يَعْـمَلْ مِثْقَالَ ذَرَّةٍ شَرّاً يَرَهُ

So, whosoever does good equal to the weight of a speck of dust shall see it. And whosoever does evil equal to the weight of a speck of dust shall see it[37]

One who repents of sin is like one without sin, since there is no sin greater than kufr. And Allāh says:

قُل لِلَّذِينَ كَفَرُواْ إِن يَنتَهُواْ يُغْفَرْ لَهُمْ مَّا قَدْ سَلَفَ

Say to those who have disbelieved, if they cease, their past will be forgiven[38]

(Ibid, 285)”

This fatwa again was available to all of the Muslims of Andalus in all areas, so then why the hesitation? Why didn’t they leave? These are questions we of the west know well, but yet chose to ignore at our peril, perhaps like our predecessors, the Muslims of Andalus.

Finally, the scholar and traveler Ibn Jubayr had written about his travels in his book “Rihlat Ibn Jubayr,” (or The Travels of Ibn Jubayr), in 1186 during the period of Muwahiddun rule over Andalus. By the time of his travels and writing, Muslims had already lost numerous cities, (mostly central and northern), to the Christians such as Ishbunah, (Lisbon), Saraqusta, (Zaragoza), and Tulaytola, (Toledo). Many Muslims lived in these lands as well under Christian ruler, mostly willingly. However, almost 190 years before Ibn Jubayr’s writing, Muslims had lost the island of Siklia [Sicily], to the Christian king, Roger I, in 1091. Muslims had opened Sicily to the Islamic Dawah in 965 CE, during the reign of the Khilafah of Banu Abbaas, (Abbasids). On the return trip back from performing hajj, Ibn Jubayr stopped off in Siklia and visited, among other places, the city of Al Madinah [Palermo] and commented on the Muslims of the city:

“ The Muslims of this city preserve the remaining evidence of the deen. They keep in repair the greater number of their masajid, and come to prayers at the call of the muezzin. In their own suburbs they live apart from the Christians…They do not congregate for jumuah, since the khutbah is forbidden. On feast-days [Eidain, or the two Eids] (only may) they recite it with intercessions for the Abbasid khalifa…in general these Muslims [Muslims that live in suburbs far from the Christians] do not mix with their brethren under infidel patronage, and enjoy no security for their goods, their women, or their children. May Allāh, by His favor, amend their lot with His beneficence, (Ibn Jubayr, 348-349).”

Clearly, there was no institution yet, such as the inquisition operating in Siklia at the time and thus we don’t hear of mass forced conversions or of squads of inquisitors chasing down hidden communities of Muslims. Apparently, the government at the time ignored the people practicing Islam away from Christian population center. As for those unfortunate to be left behind in these population centers, they were reported converted to Christianity by force. Ibn Jubayr moved on to the town of Atrabanish [Trapani] and said the following about the state of Muslims in Siklia:

“During the time of our stay in this town, we learnt painful things about the grievous state of the Muslims in this island concerning their relations with the worshippers of the Cross [Ubbaad Al Saleeb]—May Allāh destroy them—their humiliation and abasement, their state of vassalage under the Christians, and the duress of their king, bringing the calamities and misfortunes of apostasy [Riddah] on those of their women and children for whom Allāh had ordained such suffering, (ibid, 357).”

He then goes on to cite an amazing example of a Faqih that apostated from Islam:

“The king sometimes used force as a means of making some of their Shuyukh renounce their faith. There is the story of recent years concerning one of the learned doctors in Shariah in the capital of their tyrant king. He is known as Ibn Zur’ah, and was so pressed by the demands of the officials that he declared his renunciation of Islam and plunged into the Christian religion. He diligently memorized the New Testament, studied the usages of the Rum, and learnt the Canon law, until he was accepted into the body of Priests who give judgement on law-suits between Christians. When a Muslim case arose, he would give judgement on that too, based on his previous knowledge of the Sharia; and thus recourse was made to this decisions under both codes. He owned a masjid opposite his house which he converted into a Church. Allāh protect us from the results of apostasy and false ways. With all this, that he but concealed what was really his true faith; and it may be that he took advantage of the exception allowed for in Allāhs words:

إِلاَّ مَنْ أُكْرِهَ وَقَلْبُهُ مُطْمَئِنٌّ بِالإِيمَـنِ39

Except one who was forced while his heart is at peace with the faith

(ibid, 357-358)”

Again we have a clear example of Muslims having to live under duress and forced to conceal their Islam. This story could have been told five hundred years later in Andalus and it would not seem odd. The evidence seems to pile up against the Andalusis who chose to be Ahl Al Dajn in places such as Valencia, Arghun and later on, Garnata, (after the fall of city in 1492), wherein the excuse of not expecting to be forcefully converted by the Christians is baseless. However, just like in Andalus, there were righteous people that, wanting to leave dar al kufr for dar al islam, could not due to genuine excuse. Once again Ibn Jubayr tells us of a meeting with the Qa’id of the Muslims of Atrabanish [Trapani], Abu Al Qasim Ibn Hammud, and his intense desire to leave Siklia, (dar al kufr):

“…he [the Qa’id] said to me, ‘I have wished to be sold (as a slave), I and my family, that perhaps the sale would free us from the state we are in and lead to our dwelling in Muslim lands,’ (ibid, 358).”

His desperation, (as a result of his dislike of the kuffaar and dar al kufr), was such that he wished to be sold in slavery, just to leave dar al kufr! However the most devious of tribulations for the Muslims in Siklia was that:

“Should a man show anger to his son or his wife, or a woman to her daughter, the one who is the object of his displeasure may perversely throw himself into a Church, and there be baptized and turn Christian. Then there will be for the father no way of approaching his son, or the mother her daughter…The Muslims of Sicily therefore are most watchful of the management of their family, and their children, in case this should happen. The most clear-sighted of them fear that it shall chance to them all as it did in earlier times to the Muslim inhabitants of Crete. There a Christian despotism so long visited them with one (painful) circumstance after the other that they were all constrained to turn Christian, only those escaping whom Allāh so decreed, (ibid, 359).”

Those living in Western Europe and North America will find the above eerily familiar. There are numerous cases in the West where children, if disciplined, will call ‘911’ or ‘999’[40] and summon the police to file charges against their parents. The same can be said of wives or daughters doing the same. So what is the practicing father to do in light of this? First, he needs to ask why he is living in the west, (or for that matter any place deemed dar al kufr). Ibn Jubayr then goes on to describe one of the notables of the town of Atrabanish [Trapani]:

“One of the notables of this town of Trapani sent his son to one of our pilgrim companions [Ibn Jubayr means the hujjaaj that are returning with him from Makka to Andalus], desiring of him that he would accept from him a daughter, a young virgin who was nearing the age of puberty. Should he be pleased with her, he could marry her; if not, he could marry her to any one of his countrymen who liked her. She would go with them, content to leave her father and brothers, desiring only to escape from the temptation (of apostasy), and to live in the lands of the Muslims…The man sought after, in order to earn a heavenly reward, accepted the offer, and we helped him to seize an opportunity which would lead him to the felicities both of this world and the next, [ibid, 360].”

The love of Islam and hatred for living under kufr was so strong in these people that they were willing to marry their daughters off to any Muslim who could take them back to dar al islam, without looking at their status or wealth! It can be assumed, actually hoped, that the same happened in Andalus, at least after the fall of Garnata, (if not prior to that). Ibn Jubayr narrates the conversation between the father and his daughter:

“When her father consulted her as to the project she had said, ‘if you hold me back, the responsibility (before Allāh) will be yours,’ (ibid).”

Sadly, this is the sort of iman we as the youth are missing these days, where we would be able to give up our luxuries, wealth and yes, even our lives for the sake of Allāh (سبحانه و تعلى).

As for the discussion of whether the Ahl Al Dajn of Andalus living in Arghun, Valencia and Garnata should have known better as they had resources that predicted their fate, then it is a clear cut matter. Without mentioning the Quran and Sunnah in this matter, the numerous fatawa from Imam Mazari, Wanshirisi, Haffaar, Mawwaq and others are abundantly clear on the matter of hijrah from dar al kufr to dar al islam. Some may say that these fatawa use sophisticated language that only educated people could understand it, then I say to them what about the numerous travelogues published by numerous Andalusi authors, such as Ibn Jubayr, describing, in some cases, the state of Muslims living under the kuffaar such as Siklia? These were written not in scholarly Arabic but accessible and markedly easier Arabic than fatawa. Certainly in the case of Ibn Jubayr, it was written in the 12th century and was read and known by all from maghrib to mashriq, so how is it that none of the Ahl Al Dajn remembered the lessons of the Muslims of Siklia? The answer lies in the painful truth. The one staying willingly liked the rule of kufr better than living under Islam. They perhaps manufactured excuses to the effect that there was no need to emigrate due to the justice of their Christian ruler (of course prior to the forced conversions), or concocting some excuse by which they would not have to emigrate.

We today do the same, where organizations such as the Council of American Islamic Relations, Islamic Society of North America and the Muslim Council of Britain base their very existence on the foundation, that Muslims can stay in Dar Al Kufr. They say that every Muslim is a da’ee, even the one that sells liquor at his gas station store, or the one who deals in Riba-based transactions while working at a bank! Every Labor day [an American Holiday] people gather together for the ISNA, (or for that matter any mainstream Muslim group in the west), conference to hear useless speeches which are, for the most part, falsehood, as the very premise of these speeches is to work within the ‘framework of democracy’ and play by the rules of the kuffaar, never mentioning the twin duties of hijrah and jihad, (except in the context of Jihad Al Nafs of course). Some go as far as even supporting political parties during election years and campaigning alongside them, (one need only see the activities of the Muslim Political Action Committee, or MPAC, and CAIR during Obama’s election, or more notoriously during the 2001 Bush campaign). So, when the two sisters with hijab were thrown off the stage prior to Obama’s speech in North Carolina, did you not wake up to the reality, O you who slumber?! You will never be part of American, (and for that matter, western/kafir), society until you leave your Islam, (or that which is distasteful to the kuffaar such as jihad among many other things). As Allāh (سبحانه و تعلى) says:

يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُواْ لاَ تَتَّخِذُواْ بِطَانَةً مِّن دُونِكُمْ لاَ يَأْلُونَكُمْ خَبَالاً ودُّواْ مَا عَنِتُّمْ قَدْ بَدَتِ الْبَغْضَاء مِنْ أَفْواهِهِمْ و مَا تُخْفِي صُدُورُهُمْ أَكْبَرُ قَدْ بَيَّنَّا لَكُمُ الآيَاتِ إِن كُنتُمْ تَعْقِلُونَ41

O you who believe! Take not as [your] Bitanah [advisors, helpers] those other than your own, since they will not fail to do their best to corrupt you. They desire to harm you severely. Hatred has already appeared from their mouths, but what their breasts conceal is far worse. Indeed We have made plain to you the Ayat if you understand

And Allāh (سبحانه و تعلى) says:

لاَّ يَتَّخِذِ الْمُؤْمِنُونَ الْكَافِرِينَ أَولِيَاء مِن دُونِ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ و مَن يَفْعَلْ ذَلِكَ فَلَيْسَ مِنَ اللّهِ فِي شَيْءٍ إِلاَّ أَن تَتَّقُواْ مِنْهُمْ تُقَاةً و يُحَذِّرُكُمُ اللّهُ نَفْسَهُ و إِلَى اللّهِ الْمَصِيرُ42

Let not the believers take the disbelievers as friends instead of the believers, and whoever does that, will never be helped by Allāh in any way, unless you indeed fear a danger from them. And Allāh warns you against Himself, and to Allāh is the final return

And Allāh (سبحانه و تعلى) says:

الَّذِينَ يَتَّخِذُونَ الْكَافِرِينَ أَولِيَاء مِن دُونِ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ أَيَبْتَغُونَ عِندَهُمُ الْعِزَّةَ فَإِنَّ العِزَّةَ لِلّهِ جَمِيعاً43

Those who take disbelievers for friends instead of believers, do they seek honor with them Verily, then to Allāh belongs all honor.

And Allāh (سبحانه و تعلى) says:

يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُواْ لاَ تَتَّخِذُواْ الْكَافِرِينَ أَولِيَاء مِن دُونِ الْمُؤْمِنِينَ أَتُرِيدُونَ أَن تَجْعَلُواْ لِلّهِ عَلَيْكُمْ سُلْطَاناً مُّبِيناً44

O you who believe! Do not take disbelievers as friends instead of believers. Do you wish to offer Allāh a manifest proof against yourselves?

And Allāh (سبحانه و تعلى) says:

يَا أَيُّهَا الَّذِينَ آمَنُواْ لاَ تَتَّخِذُواْ الْيَهُودَ و النَّصَارَى أَولِيَاء بَعْضُهُمْ أَولِيَاء بَعْضٍ و مَن يَتَولَّهُم مِّنكُمْ فَإِنَّهُ مِنْهُمْ إِنَّ اللّهَ لاَ يَهْدِي الْقَومَ الظَّالِمِينَ45

O you who believe! Do not take friends from the Jews and the Christians, as they are but friends of each other. And if any among you befriends them, then surely, he is one of them. Verily, Allāh guides not those people who are the wrongdoers.

Back to the question of numbers, Dr. Ibrahim Bin Abd Al Aziz Al Zaid, in an interview on the Saudi channel ‘Al Majd,’ provided numerous statistics in terms of Andalusi expellees. He stated that 270,000-340,000 were expelled in total from Andalus in entirety, (from all regions and throughout the whole expulsion process). This number flies in the face of the number previously provided by Prof. L.P Harvey of a mere 116,022 Muslims that were expelled. Dr. Ibrahim states that:

  1. 65,000 of these went to Uthmani Algiers
  2. While 50,000 went to Hafsid Tunis, (by far the location that treated the incoming Andalusi Muslims with the best welcome and aid).
  3. 60,000 went to Sa’adi Morocco (where for hundreds of years Muslims had been arriving in the thousands, which made this the first choice of most emigrants from Spain, albeit after their horrible treatment at the hands of the government of Morroco, they soon thought about relocating elsewhere).
  4. 5000 people went to Libya
  5. 40,000 went to Istanbul and other Uthmani territories, especially Albania and Bosnia Herzgovina, (during the first evacuation of Muslims in and after 1492, A’ruj Reis, (and older brother of Khair Al Deen), the Uthmani admiral and mujahid, took the Muslims to Cyprus and Salonica as well, along with other locations as mentioned above).
  6. 10,000-15,000 went to South America, (alongside the crusading Portuguese and Spanish armies), and European countries such as Switzerland and France, (especially in the cities of Bordeaux and St. Jean De Luz).

That leaves us with more than 90,000 Muslims that have not been accounted for. Dr. Ibrahim stated that research indicates that 35,000 of these 90,000 Muslims, returned back to the Spain, while 50,000 died on the way, (either through sickness, being killed by Bedouins, death at sea or accidents). However, in another twist, these numbers are not complete as possibly thousands of Muslims remain unaccounted for. It is entirely possible that the number of Muslims expelled could rise to 500,000 perhaps. The other aspect that needs to be remembered is that, as was stated in the expulsion proclamations, Muslims children under six years of age were kept behind in Spain to be made Christians, Muslim women married to original Christian men, (i.e. not Morisco men), could not leave the country and of course 6% of the Muslims were kept behind to educate the Spaniards in the skills they possessed. These Muslims might, perhaps, account for the low number of accounted for of those expelled.

Naturally, there will continue to be dispute over the total numbers of Muslims expelled. Dr. Ibrahim gets his floor number of 270,000 from Henri Lapeyre, who had estimated from his study of census reports and embarkation lists that approximately 275,000 Spanish Muslims emigrated in the years 1609-14, out of a total of 300,000, (Lapeyre, 204-206). This number seems low in light of other estimates that show that the total was 600,000 as Roger Boase, (who in turn cites Marcos de Guadalajara Y Xavier, a 17th century Spanish priest), presents in his research, (Boase, 9-28). Keep in mind as well that the estimated total population of Spain at the time was about seven and a half million, and so a loss in the tune of 300,000-600,000 people from your tax and land revenue rolls would have certainly dealt the Spanish disbelievers a heavy blow. As for numbers presented of how many were killed on the way to the Maghrib or elsewhere, as Pedro Aznar Cardona, whose treatise justifying the expulsion was published in 1612, stated that between October 1609 and July 1611 over 50,000 died resisting expulsion, while over 60,000 died during their passage abroad either by land or sea or at the hands of their co-religionists after disembarking on the North African coast, (Cardona, 190v). In essence, more than a sixth of the Muslims that left Spain, died within two years of the expulsion. As an example of the confusion, Henry Lea writes:

“Navarette speaks of…3,000,000 Moriscos having been expelled at various times expelled from Spain…Von der Hammer reduces the number to 310,000, exlusive of those sent to the galleys [slavery] while Alfonso Sanchez raises it to 900,000. In modern times, Llorente assumes a total of a million, while Janer estimates the whole  Morisco population at the same figure, of who 100,000 perished or were enslaved,  leaving 900,000 exiles. Vincente de la Fuente, on the other hand reduces the number to 120,000 souls while Danvile and Collada…estimate of something less than 500,000 souls…(Lea, ‘2001,’ 359).”

Lea cites the account of naval transporters who were responsible for transporting Muslims from Valencia to Wahran, giving a statement to the Inquisitional courts of Valencia that:

“In making their way to Oran [Wahran], counted nine thousand corpses of those who had been slain, but there is little reason to suspect the statement of the Comendador de N. Senora de la Mercedes of Oran that what between disease and atrocities of the Arabs [Bedouins] two-thirds of those deported had perished. In fact, the general estimate was that the proportion was at least three quarters, (ibid, 364).”

Dr. Kataani explains the role of the Bedouin Arabs, (who were Muslim), in robbing and killing the Andalusi Muslims:

“However, the Andalusi muhajireen were treated the worst by the Algerian desert Bedouins,[46] especially by those that moved from the [Spanish] colony of Wahran to Uthmani lands[47]. The Bedouins killed a large number of them [the Andalusi muhajireen], plundered and ransacked their convoys, as described by Al Maqri, saying:

‘The Bedouins and those who do not fear Allāh, The Exalted, overpowered them and plundered their wealth and belongings.’

Furthermore, Abu Abdali said:

‘When they were finished with them [the Bedouins] ordered to kill them [the Andalusis] and cut open their stomachs where they suspected they [The Andalusis] ingested their precious jewelery.’

The Uthmani authorities in the Algiers fought hard against these crimes, as well as the Ulema, who had set out to confront these crimes. Some tribes willingly defended the Andalusis, like the actions of the tribe of Suwayd which rose up to fight belligerent tribes that aggressed or wronged the Andalusis, such as the tribe of Hibra for their crimes [upon the Andalusis], (Kataani, 180).”

Sticking to the subject of the Uthmanis, the Khalifa Ahmed I, sent out a firman, (or an Imperial order), “…urging his governors and officials to facilitate the resettlement of the Moriscos in various parts of the Ottoman Empire, (Harvey, ‘2005,’ 351).” In the firmaan, a comprehensive plan to resettle these Muslims, in a variety of places inside and outside Anatolia, but especially Tunis. Documents from the Turkish National archives show that the Uthmani governor of Tunis received the firmaan from the khalifa which said, “We [the khalifa] have permitted them [the Moriscos] to settle near to Adana, Azir, Sis, Tarsus, and Kars, (ibid, 357).” Thus the Uthmanis did not concentrate the new Andalusi Muslim arrivals in one location, (such as Istanbul), but rather spread them out across the land. As far as it concerns Tunis, signs still remain today of the large number of Andalusis that had settled there. A whole quarter of Tunis is still called ‘Zuqaq Al Andalus,’ which means ‘Andalusia Alley,’ referring to the whole quarter. In other places on the outskirts of Tunis, the Andalusis built their own cities and communities such as Sidi Bou Said, Ariana, Zaghouan and Galaat Al-Andalus. “Streets in modern Soliman and Testour are still named for old Andalusian cities, such as Rue Grenade [Granada] and Rue Valencia. In Tunis and in many Morisco towns, one can find a Rue des Andalous, or streets named for important families, such as Rue BenAicha in Soliman, (Rivers).” Moreover, the Uthmani authorities in Tunis provided new homes to the new arrivals in addition to giving tax ‘holidays’ to the Andalusis. Though these initiatives were initiatives from the central Uthmani authority in Istanbul, (the Bab-e-A’li), the Tunisian government went above and beyond and provided additional services on top of these programs.

As far as negatives are concerned, many Tunisians, (and other Maghribi local populations), for the most part, felt threatened by the massive influx of these new immigrants. They were given incentives, a headstart, housing and with the economic situation as it was at the time, many local Muslims in these countries started resenting the presence of the Andalusis. Imagine the burden such a large number of people would cause on cities in terms of services and availability of jobs. All of a sudden, ordinary Tunsians, (or for that fact Moroccans), found themselves competing with these lower paid, harder working, and higher skilled laborers and traders from Andalus. It was only natural that enmity would sprout in the hearts of the host Muslim population. Proof of this is found is a firman dated July 9th,1615, in which the Khalifa, Ahmad I, scolded his Tunisian governor by saying:

“The situation [of the Morisco minority] has grown considerably worse because new taxes have been imposed, including some from which local people are exempt. Their [the Moriscos/Andalusi Muslims] situation is even worse that it was under the unbelievers…How are we to accept these injustices committed against those who had to flee from the unbeliever to seek refuge in our territories? (Harvey, ‘2005,’ 358).”

As for the social effects of the Andalusis on Tunisian society, they were numerous. One thing has to be said before proceeding, and that is, according to Professor Abd Al Jalil Tamimi, (the famous Tunisian expert on Andalus), “it was very rare for Andalusians to marry ‘outsiders,’ that is, Arabs not of the same origin. This is one of the biggest reasons so much of their heritage still exists today, (ibid).” The Andalusis contributed Couscous as a dish to the Tunisian diet. This is because the Andalusis bought with them an array of vegetables of fruit that had been bought back by Spanish explorers from the Americas, (such as potatoes, chilis and other items). As for Couscous:

“…the tomatoes on which its distinctive sauce is based, and the potatoes usually included in it, are both native to the Americas and were unknown to Europe or the East before 1492. Having savored the New World delicacies brought back by Spanish explorers, the Andalusians wasted no time learning to cultivate and enjoy them, and brought them along to Tunisia in the 16th century.

Even the fiery spiciness of Tunisian couscous, chakchouka, harissa and merguez was made possible by Andalusian farmers who introduced an astonishing assortment of New World peppers and chilies, along with other seasonings, into the local diet. And no Tunisian holiday, wedding or celebration would be complete without delicately flavored pastries such as kaak warqa, tagine louz and kaaber, (Ibid).”

There are numerous fascinating stories concerning Andalusi food that abound around Tunis such as:

“One young man from Soliman described the special importance of a traditional Andalusian sausage called kwaris to his family. He told how fleeing ancestors slipped their jewels into the plump sausage casings to keep them safe from thieves and avaricious boat captains, who often preyed on the Andalusian refugees. His Andalusian ancestors were able to purchase choice land in their new country, thanks to those few jewels, he said – and he remembered the story because every year at Eid Al Kabir, or ‘Id Al Adha, the greatest Muslim feast, his grandfather recited it as the family ate the traditional kwaris sausage, (ibid).”

Moving to Morocco, Tetuan is also another interesting hub of Andalusi refugees over the years. It must be remembered the Andalusis did not just come to the Maghrib after the expulsion decree of 1610, but rather had been continuously arriving, in some cases, since the 14th century CE, during the expansions of Christian power in Andalus. In the case of Tetuan, six years before the fall of Garnata, a large contingent of soldiers under the Qa’id Sidi Ali Al Mandari arrived in Tetuan in 1485. Seeing the imminent demise of Garnata, they settled down in Tetuan and created Andalusi enclaves, where the Andalusi culture is still strong. Andalusi Muslims in Tetuan earned a living by way of agriculture, manufacturing and trade. Additionally many of the new arrivals with their extreme hatred of the kuffar, (due to the horrible treatment they had suffered over a hundred years under them), and of Spanish Christians especially, many of the Andalusis either with their own ships or aboard Uthmani naval vessels mounted Ghazwas upon the Christians ships and even upon the very shores of Spain, collecting a large amount of ghaneema and Christian slaves. Some even raided as far as Iceland, England and New England (in the US)!   (Harvey, ‘2005,’ 364). These Muslims used to launch their ships from various locations, such as Algiers or Sallee. Other Andalusis also became proficient weapons dealers for the Muslims naval ghazis and other Muslim forces, due to their ability to ship firearms and ammunition from Europe, (i.e. Spain), to the Muslim world.

As for the numbers given previously (regarding the expellees), the glaring part about them is the large number of Muslims returning to Spain that want to be under the kuffaar. If Imam Wanshirisi were alive to see the depravity of these people, what would he have done? Certainly it wipes away the myth of the black and white vision some Muslims, (even good ones), have of their history that, “all of Muslim history was righteous and every land was a veritable Madinat Al Munawwarah, but then suddenly, one day, we got taken over and Muslims started liking kufr and the kuffaar.” This perception is due to the weak and distorted understanding of Islamic history and it is clear that what happened before us is still happening with us today. Many notable western Muslim scholars, have brushed fatawa such as the one from Imam Wanshirisi aside due to the fact that the fatwa is not applicable today due to some odd and bizarre reasons they make up. Perhaps they will say that the kuffaar let us pray and perform our ritual worship or ibaadaat, such as prayer, Zakat, Hajj and so on. They do not pay heed to the copious Ayaat and Ahadith dealing with the issue of living under the kuffaar and entering into the Deen in entirety. In other words, if jihad is part of our deen and, for obvious reasons, you can not even speak about it in a place like America, (much less participate in training or combat), how can you live there? There are numerous issues that are part of this question, and going into them would go beyond the scope of this study.

Dr. Katani speaks in detail about the Muslims that landed in the Uthmani territory of Algeria:

“As for Algiers, it is estimated that the number of those Andalusis of who migrated [from Spain] to it [Algiers], is approximately 65,000 Andalusis. It is also estimated that approximately 25,000 Andalusis out of this number were solely in the capital city, Algiers, while many of them were distributed in the neighbouring cities, such as Al Bulayda [Blida[48]]. And approximately 22,000 Andalusis entered Algerian territory crossing through Wahran port. Those were the Spanish settlers at that time, and they moved to nearby Algerian cities, especially Tlemcen and Mustaghanem.[49] It is also estimated that approximately 18,000 of the Andalusis, emigrated to the Algerian coastal areas once more, such as Bijaya,[50] Sharshaal, Boona, (known as Anaaba[51]), and others. Most of the Andalusis headed towards Algiers from the Kingdom of Valencia and Old Aragon. Some of them also came from the Kingdom of Murcia.

The Uthmani state received the Andalusi muhajireen warmly in Algiers, and eased the road to settling down for them [i.e. helped them finding housing and work]. The Muhajireen found a generous welcome from the people of the major cities of Algiera, such as Algiers, Tlemcen, Bijaya, Mustaghanem and others, (Katani, 179-180).”

As for the occupations of the Muslims once they arrived in the Maghrib, the ones that arrived in Tunis were known to have been in the textile industry successfully manufacturing and trading it. They excelled in making the famous Tunsian red ‘bonnets’ or Chechia. Some were famers who moved towards the countryside, especially the Medjerda River northwest of Tunis and the Cap Bon peninsula, where they helped in improving the agricultural economy of the country. Until today Andalusi  towns such as Testour and Sloughia in the Medjerda Valley, or Soliman, Menzel Bou Zelfa and Grombalia in the Cap Bon region, you can find the descendants of the original immigrants from Spain.

As for the state of the Maghrib at this period of time, it was in constant turmoil and strife. Internecine warfare between Muslim rulers was rampant. As will be shown in the map below, The Muslim kingdoms, (and they were kingdoms which for the most part did not desire to come under the authority of the Uthmani khilafa), such as the Sa’adi’s were constantly invading each others capitals and causing mass chaos in their respective territories. In addition, to add to the already strong influence of Sufi Tariqas, (Orders) in the Maghrib, the Tariqas, (such as the Shadilliya, which were undoubtedly the strongest of the lot in countries such as Morocco and still are), began to be more aggressive in asserting themselves and were involved in the political upheavals in the area during the 17th and 18th centuries, (with events culminating in the joint rebellion against Uthmani authority in 1805 by the Darqawiyya[52] and the Tijaaniya orders). For the most part, the Uthmani Khilafa had almost taken over all of the Maghrib by the 17th century, save for the few portions that survived under individual Sa’adi rule.

Many of the Andalusis served in the armies of the empires of the Maghrib or the Uthmanis. Some of them even worked as emissaries and ambassadors. These Muslims were also very proficient military men, and bought numerous skills and knowledge of new technologies that the Spanish army had been employing in its armies. One such Muslim was Ibrahim Bin Ahmad Bin Ghanim Bin Muhammad Bin Zakariyya’ Al Andalusi, who was known also by his Spanish name as Al Ribash’, (or Rivas). He was born in ‘Nawallash,’ (Niguelas), which was located in the Al Bushra mountains, in the vicinity of Garnata. His family had survived the expulsion of 1571 which after the end of the Al Bushra Jihad, as he says he was brought up there, only later moving to Ishbiliyya, (Seville). The family probably managed this by either hiding in the Al Bushra mountains or pretending to be ‘old Christians,’ (i.e. original Christians and not Muslim converts to Christianity). In fact, he was a “…a sailor in the Spanish navy travelling to and from the West Indies with the galleons carrying silver, (James, 237).[53]” In the course of his travels, he mastered the art of gunnery and artillery. He arrived in 1609 or 1610 in Tunis, (which was at that time under the control of the Uthmanis). He joined the Uthmani naval ghazis operating from Tunis and was given command of a ship by ‘Uthman Dey the ruler of Tunis, (attaining the rank of ‘Ra’ees’ or Uthmani rank of captain). He participated in numerous ghazawaat and was even captured and imprisoned by the Spanish at one point for a number of years. After his release, Ibrahim was sent by Yusuf Dey, (the Uthmani governor of Tunis from 1610-1637), to Halq Al Wadi[54] (La Goulette fortress), where he resumed his gunnery studies. Because of the incompetence of the fort’s artillerymen, he decided to write a manual of gunnery similar to contemporary Spanish ones which would provide them with instruction. He began this Manual in 1630 and completed it two years later.

Map of the Maghrib in the 16th century

Map of the Maghrib in the 16th century

The interesting part of this work was that Ibrahim was not familiar with fusha/or literary Arabic and thus, the ‘Manual‘ was written in Spanish, which was also his mother tongue[55].  He tried to make an Arabic translation of his work, but could not find a suitable translator for it until he found Ahmad Bin Qasim Bin Ahmad Bin Al Faqih Qasim Bin Al Shaykh Al Hajari Al Andalusi[56], a fellow ‘Morisco’ and a former interpreter and envoy of the Sultan of Morocco, in 1638.   Al Hajari was also living in Tunis at the time. The title of the Arabic version was Kitab Al-‘izz wa ‘l-manaafi’ lil-mujahideen fee sabil Allāh bi ‘l-madafi.’ The book was composed using Spanish naval manuals, (such as Luis Collado’s Platica manual de artilleria),  and contained fifty chapters dealing with the arts of gunnery, including loading, trajectory, transport, manufacture and even the history of gunpowder, (ibid, 239). Here is a short excerpt from the text, (extended excerpt is included in Appendix O):

“Praise be to Allāh, Lord of the Worlds, Giver of victory to the Believers over the kafireen! May He bless our Lord and Master Muhammad, the most excellent of mankind, who participated personally in some ten campaigns and was given Divine victory in the Jihad! May He be pleased with his family and his companions, the Rightly-Guided Caliphs, and those who continued their good works, until the Day of Judgement, Amen! We implore Him to give victory and happiness to all the Muslims and their leaders, a victory by which the Faith will be exulted and the Infidel humbled!…I made several voyages on the Atlantic. Later I sailed in the great vessels known in the foreign tongue as ghalyuniyya (i.e. galleons), which carry silver from the distant West Indies, travelling in convoys as is their custom with troops and artillerymen on board…I came to the city of Tunis-May Allāh protect it-where I found many Andalusi companions and friends. There the ruler, ‘Uthman Dey-May Allāh have mercy upon him-took an interest in me and appointed me to the command of two hundred Andalusis, giving me the sum of five hundred sultaanees[57] and two hundred hand-guns and daggers plus whatever was necessary for a sea voyage…It was during the second half of August when there is no wind and the sea is calm. A terrific battle ensued in which many died on both sides. We were closely pursued until only a handful of us remained. We were captured after I was wounded. But truly, that day more than six hundred of the enemy unbelievers were killed, including more than twenty of their grandees. After seven years Allāh released me from captivity and I made for Tunis where the ruler Yusuf Dey sent me to join the garrison of the fortress of Halq Al Wadi (i.e. La Goulette). There I completed my gunnery studies by both practice and reading books in the foreign tongue [Spanish] on the subject, (ibid, 250-252).”

One of the more famous examples of former ‘Moriscos,’ is that of Jawdar Pasha. The reigning Sa’adi king of Morocco, Ahmad Al Mansur decided to search for Gold and decided that the Songhay Empire, located in present day Mali was the ideal target. In 1584 he sent a column of troops to reconnoiter the location. In 1591 he sent Jawdar Al Pasha[58], and he was an Andalusi from “Wadi Mansura [Almanzora] in the province of Almeria, (ibid, 405),” to conquer the Muslim kingdom of Songhay. Neverthless, he was not the first Andalusi to venture that south, but rather:

“There were relations between the kingdom of Gao with Andalus [proven by] a document dated from the days of the Ummawi state when numerous Ulema from Andalus of the Nasrid kingdom of Garnata, one of them was Abu Ishaq Al Sahili, (known as Al Tawaijin[59]), (who was a famous scholar, a poet and was righteous), traveled to their lands [Gao], especially Timbuktu. He was from a righteous and wealthy household and was familiar with Garnata, and his father was a trustworthy perfume seller in [Garnata]. When Abu Ishaq departed from his land to Hajj, then he proceeded to the Kingdom Of Songhay[60] in western Sudan,[61] where he settled down and became highly influential and important with the Sultan of Songhay. He also built many masajid in Songhay such as Masjid Junkorayber in Timbuktu between the years 1130-1325 CE. He died in Timbuktu on Monday, 27 Jumadi Al Thani, 747 AH, (ibid, 404).”

As for Jawdar’s campaign:

“Jawdar crossed the desert at the head of 5,600 Andalusi and Maghribi forces, accompanied by 8,000 camels and 1000 steeds to capture the Kingodom of Songhay. Many of them died on the way there and they didn’t reach there till 1591 with only 3000 men [!]. Askia Ishaq II[62] fortified himself against them in his capital, Gao, upon the river Niger. Whereas, Timbuktu was the cultural and commercial capital of the kingdom where desert caravans from Sijilmasa stopped. On March 14th, 1591, the decisive battle of Tondibi began between the soldiers of Askia, armed with spears and swords, and numbering 40,000 men and the Magrhibi army, consisting of 3000 men, armed with firearms which were not known to the people of Songhay. As a consequence, Askia lost and Jawdar’s army settled down in the land which was then merged with [the Sa’adi Kingdom of] Morocco, (ibid, 405).”

The Muslims from this army settled down in the area and married into the local tribes. As Dr.Katani describes:

“The Andalusis and Maghribis settled down on the banks of the river Niger and married from the women of the land. They were the ruling class till 1660, and they made Timbuktu their government’s capital. The Andalusis produced a privelaged educated class, married with some of them [local women], spread the Songhay language amongst themselves and maintained their Andalusi culture.

And after the assault of the Tuareq [Tuareg] tribe upon Timbuktu in the 19th century CE, they [the Tuareg] expelled the majority of Andalusis from Timbuktu. There was a tribe called ‘Al A’rmaa,’ (or ‘Army’ in the Aljamiadio [Al Ajamiyya] and Spanish languages), in one of the regions of Timbuktu. With the years, the tribe of Al A’rmaa lost its influence in its region, but they preserved a lot of their Andalusi habits in their food, drinks, dwellings and many Spanish words from their Andalusi language have entered the Songhay language, (approximately, 40 words)…

After the passing of the years, many Timbukti Andalusis traveled to neighbouring lands, especially Niger, Senegal, Mauritania, where some Andalusi families are present, and from these are those who have not lost their disant memories [of Andalus], (ibid, 405-406).”

As for Jawdar, new evidence has emerged from the Morroccan Embassy in London. It turns out that Jawdar, (or as he is listed in the Moroccan Embassy records, Qaid Jawdar Bin Abdullah), was “…identified as the victor of the expedition to Timbuktu. And he is described of being Portuguese of origin, (Harvey, ‘2005,’ 345).” This contradicts what we know of him being from Al Mansura, but then this might simply be an innocent misidentification, as would have been common with many Moriscos, when they arrived in the Maghrib and elsewhere. The reason why people had not found out about Jawdar previously, is that some transcribed his name wrong in Arabic, and confused the ‘daal’ for a ‘raa’ and therefore he was listed in ‘Jawrar’). Reports of the reputation and exploits of Jawdar still survive in copies of the London Gazette from that time.

Another famous immigrant to Tunis was, ofcourse, Ahmad Bin Qasim Ibn Ahmad Ibn Al Faqih Qasim Ibn Al Shaykh Al Hajari Al Andalusi. He was born in 1569/1570 CE in the village of Hajar Al Ahmar at the time of the Al Bushra jihad. He was born a Muslim and practiced his Islam secretly, while outwardly acting as Christians would. He also lived in Madrid for a period, later in his life, before coming to Tunis. In 1599, we learn that his father lived in Ishbiliyya. He maintained contacts with influental figures in the Maghrib, while in Spain, such as the Qa’id of Asilah, Muhammad ‘Abd Al Kareem Ibn Touda. In Kitab Naasir Al Deen, Al Hajari tells us that he was approached by the Archbishop of Garnata due to his knowledge of Arabic, as they needed to translate the ‘Sacromonte Lead Books,’ in 1597. The Sacromonte texts were a forgery concocted, (most probably by the traitor Alonso de Castillo, as perhaps a form of propaganda aimed at Muslims), in 1588 by a Muslim author(s) which were written in Arabic. They dealt with Christian prophecies and were paraded as the words of John the Baptist. It was perhaps hoped that these forgeries would aid in converting obstinate Muslims. Due to the official statutes and payment he received from the Spanish government for his work, he was also given latitude, and was allowed to speak Arabic, (speaking Arabic was banned in Spain at the time). Muslims that met him were suspicious of him as Al Hajari describes, (this is from Kitab Naasir Al Deen, from p. 81):

“After greeting them in the customary way I opened the book. But when they saw that it was written in Arabic they became extremely afraid because of the Christians. I told them: ‘Do not be afraid. The Christians honor me and respect me for my ability to read Arabic.’ But all the people from my town thought that the Christian Inquisitors who used to sentence and burn to death everyone who manifested his adherence to Islam in any way, or was reading the books of the Muslims, would condemn me as well. Driven by this extreme fear, the Andalusis used to be afraid of each other. They only spoke about religious matters with someone who was ‘safe,’ that is, someone who could be trusted completely. Many of them were afraid of one another. Some of them, who would have loved to learn something of the Deen of Allāh, did not [even] find anyone to teach them. After I had decided to emigrate from that country to the country of the Muslims, I used to teach every Andalusi who wanted to learn, both in my own town and in ther other towns I visited. Thus, when the Andalusis saw in what situation I found myself, they used to say to each other: ‘He will certainly fall into the hands of the Inquisitors!’ This situation developed to such an extent that when I stopped by a group [of them] to have a talk, I saw that every one of them slunk away, until I was left completely on my own…(Harvey, 2005, 280).”

After spending two years translating the books from Arabic to Spanish, Al Hajari decided the time had come to make hijrah to Dar Al Islam. He landed at the Christian stronghold of Al Jadeeda [Mazagan] on the Moroccan coast. He then proceeded towards to Azammour and then onwards to Marrakesh, where he arrived at the already mentioned, Sa’adi Sultan Ahmad Al Mansur’s court on Eid Al Adha on the 4th of July 1599. He was offered a job in the Sultan’s court but refused and went on to work as a secretary and Spanish translator for Mawlaay Zaydaan, the Sa’adi ruler of Marrakesh, (and son of Al Mansur). Under Mawlaay Zaydaan, he was sent to France and other European countries, (such as the Netherlands as it was the enemy of Spain, and thus, the enemy of my enemy is indeed my friend!), as his ambassador and to facilitate the movement of Andalusi Muslims out of Spain and to ensure their well being at the key transit point of Marseille, France.

In 1634, he decided to leave his political career in Marrakesh and move to the port city of Sala, (notorious for its brave naval mujahideen fleets that harassed the kuffaar), and started making translations for use by the Andalusi Muslims living in the Maghrib that knew only Spanish. Some of the books he had translated were Qadi Iyad’s Kitab Al Shifa fee Ta’reef Huqouq Al Mustafa, (which Hajari only partially finished in 1634). He decided to then perform Hajj, subsequently arriving in Egypt in March 1637. He continued his research work over there, only then to leave for Tunis in September of 1637 where he met with Ibrahim Bin Ahmed and proceeded to translate his ‘Manual de Artilleria,’ and subsequently died. He was of course tainted by the fact that he chose to work under the rebellious Sa’adi kings which rebelled against Uthmani territory.

Having already briefly mentioned the Andalusis of Sala, it is only fitting to properly introduce them. The Muslim refugees from Andalus that had arrived after the expulsion of 1609 CE settled on the mouth of Wadi Abu Raqraaq, (or known otherwise as ‘Bou Ragrag’), founding two settlements. One of these settlements was on the northern bank of the river at the town of Sala, while the other was to its south based around the Wadaya castle in Rabaat. These two areas constituted the ‘Republic of Abu Raqraaq.’ The Andalusis, “formed a self-governing community, ruled by an elected governer who held office for a year with the assistance of a diwan [council/shura] of elders, (Abun-Nasr, 221).” The Andalusis here, with the deep hatred of the kuffaar, and especially of the Spanish, became renowned for their daring raids on the Spanish ships that moved through the Straits of Gibralter. In fact usually, the naval mujahideen based at Sala sailed out “…800 km, and on some occasions reached the English Channel and even Ireland, (ibid).” Due to the exploits of the Andalusi mujahideen, Sala and Rabat became the most important centers for carrying out the naval jihad against the Spanish and other kuffar powers in their area.

However, we must not make the mistake to think that Muslim reverts were not part of the jihad against the kuffaar, (be it on land or sea), as that would be incorrect. In fact one of the more famous examples of Muslim reverts that were naval mujahids is the example of Murad Ra’ees the younger, (or as he was known when he was a Christian, Jan Janszoon), who was originally from Holland, and had converted after being captured by the naval mujahideen. He sailed as part of the Uthmani navy in Algeria and mounted numerous naval raids upon kafir shipping and military ships and would later operate independently out of the port city of Sala in Morocco. He not only terrorized the kuffaar in the Mediterranean but also upto the English Channel, Ireland, Iceland and Holland itself! The most famous example of a Muslim revert is of Suleyman Al Ra’ees, (his Christian name was Salomo de Veenboer), who was another Dutchman who came to Algiers originally for the sake of piracy, but soon willingly converted to Islam. He too participated in daring raids in the English Channel, while in command of his own fleet, under the aegis of the Uthmani navy.

Moving along, one of the most easily seen traces that remain of these Andalusis is their surnames. Examples of these would be the “…Spanish-sounding family names, such as Pasquale, Blanco, Giorgi or Morishco, have resisted assimilation into more Arabic forms until today, (Rivers).” Other examples are names such as Castillo or Lopez. The interesting story about these names is that they have mutated in quite a few cases into a mutant form that is neither fully Arabic, and can be easily identified as foreign. For example, many people in the Maghrib, of Andalusi extraction, have the surname, Zbiss. It turns out, due to the different vocalization of the name in the Maghrib, it actually represents the very Spanish surname, Lopez. As for Andalusi family names, using the example of Meknes, Dr. Katani gives a few names of famous Andalusi families of the city:

“And in Meknes, Andalusi families included: The Al Waqad [family], [who] moved to Fez [Fas] from Seville in the middle of the 7th AH [15th century CE], and then subsequently moved to Meknes. [Then there is] the Bajeeri family, who are well known by people due the scholars the family has had; also the Ghareet family, which has appointed numerous Alawi[63] kings and many glorious poets. Other families that are mentioned in the personal register [Diwan Khaas] of Sultan Mawlaai Isma’eel[64]: Ibn Ibrahim, Ibn Haleema, Ibn Haaj, Ibn Abd Al Kareem (from Malaqa), Abu Rikha (from Garnata), Azweezar, Anfa’, Al Azraq, (from Seville), Amsamah, Asqaal, Al Ashqar, Al Bajeera, Booraas, Al Baarou , Al Butooli, Al Bayani, Barquq, Al Biyad (from Balsh Malaqa), Jabir, Jazmawi, Al Daqyouq, Al Zanati, Tooja, Kadeesh, Al Lamtuni, Al Mustasi, Al Sifaar, Sofondala, Al Garnata, Al Ghamari, Al Fakhaar, Feediqa, Al Qarlos[65], Al Qalaft, Al Qabri, Al Qibab, Al Qasri,  Al Shibliyoon, Haroon, Waqaad and others, (Katani, 394).”

In the Spanish territories in the Americas, there are abundant traces of Muslim influences today that either stem from Muslims arriving in those areas during the colonial period, or perhaps, more curiously, prior to Spanish colonization of the said areas. The presence of Muslims in Mexico during the Spanish occupation is proven by the fact that Muslim prisoners “…were employed in the construction of the castle of San Juan de Alloa [Ulúa], in the harbor of Vera Cruz, Mexico, (Bourke, 87),” in 1565. Morever, during the 18th and 19th century Mexican society, there was the institution of night watchmen, or sereno. They got their name since they used to call out across the town if there was fine weather, (‘Sereno’ in Spanish). However the way they used to intone this call was strikingly familiar to the call of a muadhin, (one who calls to Salat/prayer). In fact it has been said by one author that “The cry of the meueddin [mu’adhin] (of Tangiers) is precisely like that of the Spanish serenos, who must have learned it, as they did so many other things, from the Moors [Muslims]—a long chant on one note, sometimes shortened, sometimes prolonged, (ibid, 96).” Perhaps the Muslims that came with the Spanish army succeeded in some aspects of their dawah work, or perhaps this is evidence that the Muslims in Mexico were able to freely practice their deen and had established the adhan in the area, therefore leading to the non-Muslims of the area to take up the practice. And Allāh knows best.

Moreover, certain words survive in Mexican Spanish such as ‘Ojala!’ which translates as ‘I wish’ or ‘I hope,’ in contemporary Spanish, but in older Mexican Spanish, it translates roughly as “If God Wishes.” Its roots are from the word Insha’Allāh, which in Arabic means “If Allāh Wills,” (ibid, 112). Additionally, another Mexican Spanish word, Dios solo sabe (which means ‘God only knows’), is almost positively from the Arabic formulation, Allāhu A’lam, which means ‘[only] Allāh knows/ Allāh knows best,’ (ibid). In other places, such as the legal system of Mexico, (in the 19th and 18th century), Muslim influences were seen that arrived as part of the Spanish legal system such as the naming of Mexican judges as alcaldes or Qadi’s and the naming of governors alguazil, (Wakeel), or sherife, (or Shareef/noble), (ibid, 114-115).

Furthermore, numerous Spanish sources continuously mention ‘black slaves’ which were purchased by the Spaniards in Mexico, as, “…for most Spaniards the presence of Africans and persons of mixed racial descent would have been a familiar element, if not from their hometowns then certainly from the time virtually all emigrants spent in Seville before departing for the Indies, (Altman, 437).”  This could only mean slaves from either Spain itself or from Spain’s African colonies. If they were from Spain, they were undoubtedly Muslims, which is also the case if they came from Africa. As one researcher describes:

“Black slaves were everywhere in early Mexico City. They almost invariably formed part of early mining operations and transport enterprises, working with Spaniards or under their supervision. They served as personal servants and housekeepers, in artisan shops, and under merchants, encomenderos, government officials, and entrepreneurs of all descriptions, (ibid).”

However, even more pertinent is the fact that direct proof of Muslim presences exists in the Spanish slave records:

“Numerically morisco [Muslim] slaves in Mexico were insignificant. Most were women who brought higher than usual prices…One reference to a morisco [Muslim] slave appears in records of 1540, when the encomendero Pedro Nunez de Roa arranged to have him brought from Seville. The origin of moriscas was sometimes recorded. One was identified as being from ‘Berberia,’ [Maghrib] another from “Oran” [Wahran] (both in 1528), and they were often called ‘white slaves.’ A 1551 record in which a slave named Ana was sold for 270 pesos, however, describes her as a ‘negra atezada, de tierra de Berberya[66],’ (ibid, 439).”

Other well known examples of Muslims, or ‘Moriscos’ in Mexico as people such as Cristobal de la Cruz, who was born in Algiers, and at the age of  nine or ten, he was captured by a Spanish naval force, taken to Spain and baptized. Thrity years later, in 1660, he presented himself in front of the inquisitional authorities in Veracruz, Mexico “…claiming to be afflicted by doubts about the Catholic faith, (Cook, 63).” One might wonder, if he was really having doubts, why would he announce them to the inquisition. Logically, it wouldn’t make sense, (due to the possibility of a heavy punishment—even death—being inflicted upon him) and thus his action would only make sense if he believed that he had been compromised and that perhaps his covert practice of Islam could have been found out. Due to this and the fact that the Mexican inquisitorial authorities, “…To encourage renegades to return to Catholicism…issued a number of edicts of faith. During the ensuing periods of grace, individuals could denounce themselves and be absolved with only minor sentences. It was perhaps in response to one of these edicts of faith that De la Cruz denounced himself before the Inquisition in New Spain, (ibid, 65).” Cleverly, De la Cruz took advantage of loopholes in inquisitional policies that his brethren had taken advantage of for almost a century in Andalus, (after the forced conversion in 1520). Credence is added to this as “De la Cruz had denounced himself to the inquisitorial tribunals in Barcelona in 1653 and in Seville in 1655. In both cases he was given minor sentences and was removed from the galleys where he had been a slave, (ibid, 66).” He was a professional when it came to dealing with the Inquisition. During his trial, his showmanship was tremendous as not only did he make himself out to be a penitent Christian, but at the same time was questioning the inquisitors their belief in Christian falsehood. One could say with ease that not only was he protecting his Islam, but giving dawah at the same time! As an example, during his first hearing on May 8th 1660, De la Cruz said:

“Since they say the Lord God is so powerful, how could He enter the body of a sinful and bad man” through the Eucharist? He said he believed this to be “impossible, since He is so good, to enter into the body of a sinful and bad man.” Similarly, in terms of penance, De la Cruz wondered how a confessor or a priest could “pardon him his sins and remove them, being a man like himself and subject to sin.” Concerning the Mass, De la Cruz expressed disbelief that “a sinning man such as the priest, so subject to sin like this confessant, can with the words that he says convert bread into the body of our Lord Christ and the wine into his blood, that he held this to be impossible.” De la Cruz then claimed that on several occasions, while hearing Mass, “he would ask himself why God would descend for those words that the priest says and why all the turns and benedictions performed by the priest were necessary, (ibid, 66-67).”

De La Cruz’s pervious two times of confessing to the inquisition in Spain are equally interesting. During his hearing in Mexico he describes his previous interactions with Muslims:

“…De la Cruz was accused of having apostatized eight years after being baptized, in order to “live as a Muslim,” which he did for ten to twelve years. The prosecutor’s formal accusation related how, in Madrid, De la Cruz ate meat on Good Friday as the guest of a Muslim woman and in the company of other Muslims. De la Cruz told them he “renounced God and the holy Catholic faith and the Holy Mother, and that on another Good Friday he had told the Muslims, while making fun of the penitents, that they were brutes who spilled their blood for the piece of wood [the ‘Cross’] that they carried there, and that he renounced this and all the teachings of the Catholic faith… (ibid, 72).”

He describes another incident in 1652, when he was a slave on a Spanish ship:

“…De la Cruz told a Christian on the ship that “he renounced him and his law [Christianity] and the ladder of Christ.” De la Cruz then allowed his hair to grow in a style attributed to Muslims. He managed to live as a Muslim during the course of six months, before being reprehended by a friar and other Christians on the galley and returning to Catholicism…(ibid, 73).”

During his first trial in Barcelona in 1654, De la Cruz described the hardships and beatings he faces as a slave and also added the encouragement of Muslims on board and his resolve to maintain his Islam in spite of hardships and beatings:

“…Muslims [aboard the ship with him] encouraged him to let his hair grow thus [with a copete], and asked him why he did not say that he was one, to which this accused responded that he did not dare to declare himself a Muslim, even though he wanted to, for fear of the Inquisition…Finally, however, De la Cruz confessed…[that he] returned to Islam, saying, “Come what may, even if they hang me or burn me, it is better to die in one law than to live in many. I want to be a Muslim. And with this he left his hair in this fashion, (ibid).”

His testimony to the Mexican inquisition is fascinating as it illuminates a number of facts that many historians have seemed to miss in their research. For instance, De la Cruz describes his encounter with a practicing Muslim, (not a Morisco, as De la Cruz clearly states the man was not baptized), in a town in the Domican Republic, (santo domingo):

“He related the experience of meeting on the island of Santo Domingo a Muslim named Abderhaman, in whom he confided his thoughts about Catholicism. De la Cruz claimed to have spoken with ‘a Muslim who was not baptized who was there [in Santo Domingo] as a cook on a ship that was in the port called Jesus María, and the said Muslim replied that if he had these doubts, why had he become a Christian?’ (ibid, 67-68).”

This is indisputable proof that practicing Muslims were present in the Americas during the 17th and 16th centuries. As for De la Cruz, he apparently also had contact with the naval mujahideen based in maghrib until he was detained by the Spanish once more, (and to had to ‘denounce’ himself to the inquisition in Ishbiliyya in 1655). What’s more he admits to the inquisitors that he practices Islam and the method by which he would practice:

“De la Cruz admitted to the inquisitors that while he was sailing between Cadiz [south western port town in Spain] and Santo Domingo, he would often ‘fall into the habit and custom that he had of observing’ Islam by invoking Muhammad and God and praying ‘in the language of Muslims.’Several of the invocations that De la Cruz mentioned were recorded and translated into Spanish, such as“Mehamet and arçolha, which mean in the Castilian language ‘Muhammad close to God,’ abdelcadher, which means ‘powerful one, remember your servant,’ [and] abdelcadher xilale, which means ‘do not forget it.’”…When shown the portion of his confession referring to the prayers in Arabic, De la Cruz corrected the inquisitors, saying that he did not invoke Muhammad by saying, “Mahamet and arçola because that is incorrectly written, but by saying, Laila ulala mohamat uhuersolala [La Ilaaha IllAllāh Muhammad Al Rasool Allāh/There is no deity worth of worship but Allāh, and Muhammad is His messenger], which in the Castilian language says ‘Muhammad close to God,[67]’ and that he called on and invoked Muhammad, believing that he was a true prophet and powerful to free him of his tribulation and the cares in which he found himself, (ibid, 68-69).”

De la Cruz continued by describing how he was doing his wudhu, (ritual ablution), to perform the salat/prayer:

“De la Cruz then described another event that occurred while he was sailing to Santo Domingo. He recalled that “sometimes when it was calm, the soldiers and sailors and this confessant would also swim in the sea, which he did with the intention of doing the çahala [Salat/prayer] [and] bathing in the way that is customary for the Muslims . . . although this bath should be done in water that is fresh and not of the sea…De la Cruz noted that he had had to be careful when performing the ritual ablutions in public “because those soldiers and sailors are so skilled and accustomed to seeing Muslims and renegades, [that] he did not do those ceremonies because the said sailors and soldiers could not help from seeing him, (ibid, 70).”

Curious, the inquisitors asked him to explain in detail:

“He stated that at about ten o’clock that morning, he was standing by the stove watching the swimmers and “thinking about nothing in particular when one of the swimmers asked this confessant ‘maestro Cristóbal, why don’t you throw yourself into the water and remove the grease’ but that this time this confessant did not throw himself in.” However, after everyone had finished eating their meal they began to swim again, at which point, De la Cruz gave in and joined them. Once in the water, he began to wash himself, “without saying anything and with neither malice nor intention of stopping being a Christian, nor any other thought other than washing himself.” While he was in the water, several of the people swimming with him began to reminisce saying, “Hey Cristóbal, we remember the old times when we did the zahala [Salat],” to which he exclaimed, “Leave me with a thousand devils [i.e. leave me alone]! You think you are still in Algiers.” However, soon after this exchange he claimed to have bathed again, this time “with the desire to be a Muslim . . . and saying while washing himself, in the Aznata [Zanata/a Berber language found in the Maghrib] language, which in Spanish means the Arabic language, abdecader silali, which means ‘powerful lord remember me,’ and in this way he did the çahala [salat].” De la Cruz then added that by performing the zahala [salat] and ritual bath, “the Muslims believe that they are freed of their guilt” and “undress themselves of the character of baptism” if they had been baptized, (ibid, 71-72).”

Well known examples of slaves in Mexico such as Juan Garrido[68], (who was bought as a slave by the Portuguese from Africa to Portugal), Juan Valiente[69], (a Spanish slave from West Africa, perhaps even the maghrib?), and other such slaves are stated to have been Christian. However, as we well know, Muslims had become experts at concealing their faith over a century or more, and it likely that if these men were Muslim, they practiced Islam secretly. Other examples of Muslims in the Spanish territory of Mexico were Muslim women such as Maria Ruiz:

“…a Morisca born in the town of Albolot in the Alpujarras [Al Bushra]  mountains of Granada [Garnata], denounced herself before Mexican inquisitors [in 1594]…Ruiz had been residing in Mexico City for approximately ten years, where she was married to an ‘old Christian.’ During her trial, Ruiz described her religious practices on both sides of the Atlantic that included praying in Arabic and invoking Muhammad. Other cases suggest how knowledge about Islam circulated in Spanish America. In 1605 a “man called Zarate” was accused of saying that on Judgment Day, Muhammad would sit at Jesus’ feet and revoke the sentences he did not agree with. In 1614 a fisherman named Diego was overheard praising Muhammad and his Paradise. In 1616 Pedro Hernández, who was reputed publicly to be a Morisco, rebuked someone’s greeting by stating, “In this house we do not say ‘Praise Jesus’ but rather good evening.” In 1651, Anton Rosado, a slave in Mexico City and the son of a Muslim woman from the Philippines, was accused of renouncing God while being abused by his master, (ibid, 78).”

As for South America as a whole, Muslims were certainly present there as has been demonstrated. However, what are the influences of Muslims or Islam on these societies? Prof. Katani has this to say:

“After the fall of Garnata, and the discovery [of the ‘New World’/America and Central America] Muslim Andalusis emigrated to the Americas with the raiding [Spanish] armies, and fled from the inquisitorial courts. However, they discovered similar [inquisitorial] courts in the Americas. The first of the Moriscos to arrive in North America was Rodigro De Lepe, a friend of Columbus’, who announced his acceptance of Islam after he returned to Spain, and ‘Estevanico de Azzmour,’ was a Spanish general who conquered Arizona, and he was, in reality, a Morisco.

And upto our time the traces of Andalus are present all over South America. And the Islamic traces of Andalus in Venezualan written culture…the most important of which is the works of the Venezualan writer Don Rafael Donqalas y Mendez (born 1878 CE), who was proud of his Islamic roots in his compositions [books]. And still there are many Venezuelans are proud of their Islamic Andalusi origins.

There are also Columbians who pride themselves of their Islamic Andalusi roots. And in the 19th century CE, there arose Columbian experts in the field of Islamic Civilization…And when the Church’s authority weakened over the lands after their independence, there arrived bravery in some of the writers to show pride in Islam and its civilization, and from them are those that learnt Arabic and its literature, the most famous of whom is Don Jose Rufino Quarvo.

And the Islamic Andalusi heritage/legacy and architecture entered Peru and Ecuador, just as related in their books, such as the story of a major Peruvian writer, Don Ricardo Vilma Altiv, distributed under the title “performing good without hesitation” where he took up the principles of the life of Ameer Ibrahim, who was the grandfather of the Ummawi ameer, Marwan the second. The story is based upon the greatnessof tolerance and generosity that led to him forgiving the man, who was his guest, despite the discovery that he was his son’s killer. And today in Peru there is an inclination for Islam, as the same is the case in Bolivia as well.

Islamic Andalusi civilization has affected Chilean literature, as is shown, for example, in the heritage of Chilean books of Don Pedro Prado who popularized Arabic rhyme [patterns] in Spanish poetry, and he released in 1921, collections of poems [Divans] under the fictictious Afghani name “Radhaee Rooshaan,” to the point where numerous arabic stories are a part of the heritage of the Chilean people.

And the Portuguese forbade Andalusi Muslims to immigrate to Brazil, when the Portuguese occupied it in the 16th century CE. Inspite of this forbiddance, many Andalusis sailed and arrived in Brazil, with their knowledge of the sea and navigation. Just as the Andalusis of the western region (South Portugal), were secretly immigrating to Brazil, the Portuguese government establish Inquisitorial Courts against them [in Brazil]. In the year 1594, the Inquisitional authority of Bahia released a publication in which clarified in it, the signs of hidden Islam [Crypto Islam], and from those were:

  • [excessive] washing and hygiene, especially on Friday
  • Rising early [for Fajr]
  • Fasting
  • Clean clothes

Those courts and burned many of the victims on charges of Islam. And today there are families in Brazil who are proud of its members that were of Andalusi origin, and preserve in their houses the Qurans inherited from their ancestors, generation after generation. And from them are those who embraced Islam, perhaps giving birth to these Islamic groups, especially in Sao Paulo.

The Andalusis emigrated to the areas of modern day Argentina, because of the persecution of the Church and State and nothing remaind of their Islam except the memories of being proud [about Islam and being Muslim]. As did the author of the late nineteenth century Domingo Sarmiyanto, who was proud of his Islamic descent as a descendent of Bani Al Razeen of Eastern Andalus. And many believe that the Gaucho cowboys of the steppes of Argentina are of Andalusi decsent and maintain many firmly established Islamic values.

Andalusian culture influenced many of the Argentinian writers such as Henrique Larreta, who wrote about the life of the Andalusian days of King Philipe II in his book, “Don Romero’s victory,” and the writer Gonzales Valencia in the story “Mark of The Lion,” and others.

…and one of the most important members [of the Islamic Andalusi Argentinian group] is a member of the family of “Mawlaai,” descended from Bani Ahmar, who protected their Islam generation after generation in Al Andalus and emigrated to South America, and then declared their Islam, (Katani, 418-420).”

In fact, during the 19th century CE in Brazil there was a massive jihad organized by Muslims slaves from Mali in Brazil. To be precise, in 1835 CE, Yoruba and Hausa African Muslim slaves began their jihad against the authorities in the North eastern province of Bahia. In fact, there had been a continuous stream of revolts and jihads from the 1800 on to1835 on the part of the Muslims, with not just common Muslims taking part, but scholars and Ulema from amongst the slaves. However, Brazil was not the only place with Muslims in it waging jihad against the kuffaar, but the same happened in Guyana, Suriname and, (according to quite a few scholars), in numerous North American colonies.

To emphasize the presence of Muslims in Brazil, there was a letter sent by the French Ambassador to Brazil on September 22nd 1869 that “…the French booksellers Fauchon and Dupont used to sell every year in their shop in Rio de Janeiro almost 100 copies of the Koran. Although very expensive (36 to 50 French francs), the book was bought almost exclusively by slaves and ex-slaves, who had to make great sacrifices in order to acquire it. Some of them bought the book in installments, and it took them one year to pay for it. As the Korans were written in Arabic, Fauchon and Dupont also imported Arabic grammar books with explanations translated into French, as these slaves and ex-slaves wanted to learn the language in order to read and understand the holy book, (Silva, 83).” Remember these books were in Arabic, so presumably the customers buying it would know how to read it. This supposition is proven as Fauchon and Dupont also imported Arabic grammar books as well.

As for North America in particular, it does not come under the purview of this study as, a heavy presence of Muslims started occurring in the 18th century through the Middle Passage, when thousands of Muslims slaves were sold into slavery and taken to various locales in Europe, but mostly to America. Due to the great need of labor, these slaves were in high demand, and they continued to flow due to either intertribal warfare in Africa, wherein the victor would sell the losers into slavery to generate a profit, or by way of direct enslavement by European crews off the coast of countries like Mali and Congo.

Before we proceed any further, let me be clear, I only strove to write this section to set the historical facts straight and it should not be misconstrued as, in any way, an encouragement for Muslims currently living in Dar al Kufr, (especially in the west), to find their ‘roots’ in the countries of residence, as countless Muslim scholars ask us to do, (one of them happens to be one of my sources for this essay). Kufr is kufr, and hijrah away from it is a duty for the one that has the means and knows how and where to go.

As for the final question, if there were Muslims left behind in Spain after the expulsion, then there were surprisingly many cases. Setting aside those Muslims who had apostatized completely, many Muslims, who had either escaped expulsion or were those Muslims who had been retained to train Christian workers, were locked up by the Inquisition just after the expulsion if they were found to have been showing signs of Islam. One example of this is Geronimo Buenaventura, who was “…described as a Morisco of Alcaneta in Valencia, (Lea, ‘2001,’ 390).” He was condemned to death by Auto de Fe, (which is to burn someone to death in the middle of the town square), in 1635 and remained in prison awaiting his auto de fe till 1637. In May of 1638, he was finally executed, almost twenty years after the official expulsion of the Muslims from Spain. Even further still, in 1649, the Inquisatorial authorties of Valencia caught and prosecuted Muslims slaves that were attempting to escape to the Maghrib, (ibid). Moving to Qurtuba, on December 2nd 1625, the inquisitorial authorities there arrested a renegade [a Christian that had converted to Islam], Francisco De Luque. According to the record of the inquisition of Qurtuba, De Luque was a naval ghazi who had either operated privately as part of a crew operating from the Maghrib, or as part of the main Uthmani fleet. Apparently, he had also gone to Makka and made Hajj! (ibid). In 1655, there was one Muslim woman that was caught and prosecuted and her name was Talfa. She was a slave of Christians and was accused of trying to run away to the Maghrib, (Dar Al Islam). In Barcelona, on June 21st, 1627, three renegades were caught and prosecuted. It must be remembered that Barcelona was taken prior to the 14th century and the inquisition had been operating there since 1484! In Madrid, where the auto de fe was a grander affair than anywhere else, on June 30th, 1680, there was only one Muslim present. He was a Lazaro Fernandez, whose Muslim name was Mustafa, (ibid, 391). He had converted to Islam and sailed as a naval ghazi in the Mediterranean and perhaps further afield. In the end, he did not repent and paid with it for his life and attained shahada, by the Will of Allāh, at the hands of the vile Christians of Spain. In the auto de fe in Toledo, on April 7th 1669, there was a Muslim slave present who had worked in the mines. His name was Francisco de la Candelaria, and his Muslim name was Sulayman. His crime was ridiculing the Christian sacraments[70]. He got let off with a 100 lashes, (ibid). Looking at the overall figures for a number of regions during the period, that during 1648 to 1794, there were only 5 cases of people being accused of practicing Islam, (ibid, 392). In 1703 to 1820 in Madrid, there was only one person accused of practicing Islam, and he was a convert, (from Christianity to Islam). It must be understood that even till the 18th century CE, we see traces of Muslims, (Andalusis and not slaves brought in from Spain’s African holdings), in Spanish society. In fact in 1727, a meeting location for Muslims and possibly a repository for Islamic books was found and shut down, with all involved arrested. One of those possibly involved with this was Ana Del Castillo, and she was given a life term for imprisonement, on March 4th, 1731. More astonishing still, was the report from the Inquisition in 1769, that they had “…verified the existence of a mosque in Cartagena, maintained by the New Christians, (ibid, 393).” There are even reports that some Muslims were appearing in front of the inquisition till 1820, (when the inquisition was disbanded).

And thus ends our tale of the destruction of Andalus and its Muslims. However, and more importantly how does this impact us today?


[1] Abu Bakr Muhammad Ibn Al Walid Ibn Khalaf Al Tartushi (b. 451 A.H./1059 C.E. – d. 520 A.H/1127 C.E.) was a famous jurist originally from Tortosa (طرطوشة), in Muslim Spain. He travelled in pursuit of knowledge, as was the custom of his day, seeking to educate himself on various scholars in different part of the world, as far east as Baghdad, Damascus, Aleppo, Cairo, and Alexandria. He settled in Alexandria, Egypt, teaching there in a school. He opposed the Ismaili tendency of the Fatimid dynasty in Egypt. He also, along with al-Gazzali, issued a fatwa for Yusuf Ibn Tashfin, the Murabitun ruler, allowing him to invade Andalus and depose the divided Taifa kingdoms. One of his famous works was Siraj al-Muluk (سراج الملوك). He also wrote other works.

[2] It is reported that he was a student of Imam Ghazali for some time. He was a master of Maliki Fiqh. His father was a student of Ibn Hazm. He wrote ‘Aridhat al-Ahwazi’ which is the Shar’ for Sunan Tirmidhi, Al-‘Awasim min al-Qawasim and Al Ahkam Al Quran, to name but a few. He was from Seville and died in 1148 CE/543 AH

[3]Asna al-Matajir fi Bayan Man Ghalaba ala Watanihi al-Nasara wa Lam Yuhajir wa Ma Yatarattabu Alayhi min al-Uqubat wa al-Zawajir’

[4] Or Dhimmat Al Kuffaar

[5] i.e. Andalus

[6] Iman or belief

[7] As Allah says: “Set out Light or heavy” in Surah Tawbah, verse 41, and it means Old and young, weak and strong, rich or poor, etc. (see Ibn kathir Tafsir of the verse)

[8] i.e. conditions were bad in habasha

[9] the Sahaba that emigrated

[10] i.e. the enemy and in this the case specifically, the Spanish and Portuguese

[11] from

[12] Surah Al Munafiqun, Ayah 9

[13] Surah Al Taghabun, Ayah 15

[14] Surah Al Ma’idah, Verse 52

[15] i.e. benefits

[16] Surah Al Nisa, Verse 97

[17] Literally means hell, dar al bawar

[18] Dhikra’

[19] shirk

[20] تحت حكم الملة الكافرة literally translates as under the rule of an infidel/disbelieving nation.

[21] Surah Mujaadilah, Ayah 21

[22] رأس الإيمان

[23] One of the names of Allah and it means ‘The Merciful’

[24] He is describing and disparaging the Mudajaneen who remain behind dar al kufr under the protection of the Christian king and pay him jizyah!

[25] People who are in a state of Inferiority or humility. Referring to the kuffaar

[26] i.e. overpower and discard all other ways of life and ‘religions’ other than Islam

[27] Fard A’la Kifaayah. i.e. it is an obligation/fard to muster enough men and forces that are sufficient to repel the forces of the enemy either by the Muslim ruler or by individuals, (in the case that the Muslim ruler is not able to or unwilling to muster troops).

[28] و عند مسيس الحاجة

[29] ضرورة

[30] The first class is of people that leave jihad for necessity and those without necessity, while the second class is of those who not only leave jihad but help the enemy with the money and actually physically assisting the enemy by fighting alongside them.

[31] Tirmidhi, Vol. 4, p. 522-523 in Kitab Al Fitan, Hadith # 2204. Ibn Majah, Vol. 2, p. 384 in Kitab Al Fitan, Hadith #: 4066. Imam Ahmad’s Musnad vol. 16, p. 628, Hadith #: 23336. Narrator is Hudheyfah Bin Al Yimaan and it is Saheeh. The full wording following the beginning of the hadith given above is:

قالوا : و كيف يذلُّ نفسَه ؟ قال : ( يتعرّض من البلاء لما لا يطيقه )…

[32] Sahih Bukhari, Vol. 3, p. 345 in Kitab Al Zakaat, Hadith #: 1427. Narrator is Hakeem Bin Hizaam. A second narration in Bukhari is in vol. 9, p. 410 in Kitab Al Nafaqaat, Hadith #: 5355. Narrator is Abu Hureyrah. Also in Sahih Muslim Vol. 2, p. 145-146 in Kitab Al Zakat, Hadith #: 1033. Narrator: Abdallah Bin Umar

[33] He was the third and last ruler (reigned 1069–1091) of Seville/Ishbilliyah from Banu Abbaad.

[34] His daughter in law is Zaida, who was married to Mu’tamid’s son, Abul Fatah Al Ma’mun (the Emir of Qurtuba at the time). She ran off to the army camp of the Spanish as an apostate from Islam and accepted Christianity and became a mistress of Alfonso the sixth and bore a son for him, (Sancho). She also accepted the new Christian name of Isabel. Her tomb can be found in the town of Leon in north west Spain, in the province of Castile and Leon.

[35] Saheeh hadith from Sunan Tirmidhi, vol. 4, p. 155, Hadith #: 1604 and also in Abu Dawood, Hadith #: 2645, and Sunan Nisai as well. Narrator of the hadith was Jarir Bin AbdAllah

[36] Among the Companions were some who dedicated themselves wholly to serving Islam. They spent all their time in learning Islam with all its subtleties, listening to the Prophet and communicating to others what they learnt and heard. They lived in the long, narrow chamber affixed to the Mosque and were therefore called Ashab al-Suffa, (the Companions of the Suffa). Since they spent their time in serving Islam by learning and teaching, they were poor and were provided by the Prophet and the rich among the Companions. They managed on very meager provisions indeed. The Prophet, upon Him be peace and blessings, was very careful about their livelihood. Once his daughter Fatima, may Allah be pleased with her, asked him for a servant. The Messenger answered: ‘How can you say that? I haven’t been able to assure the livelihood of the Ahl-Suffa yet.’ Abu Hurayrah (ض) was one of the Ahl Al-Suffa

[37] Surah Al Zalzalah, Verses 7-8

[38] Surah Anfaal, Verse 38

[39] Surah Nahl, Ayah 106. The whole Ayah is:

مَن كَفَرَ بِاللَّهِ مِن بَعْدِ إيمَـنِهِ إِلاَّ مَنْ أُكْرِهَ وَقَلْبُهُ مُطْمَئِنٌّ بِالإِيمَـنِ وَلَـكِن مَّن شَرَحَ بِالْكُفْرِ صَدْرًا فَعَلَيْهِمْ غَضَبٌ مِّنَ اللَّهِ وَلَهُمْ عَذَابٌ عَظِيمٌ

Whoever disbelieves in Allah after his belief – except one who was forced while his heart is at peace with the faith – but whoever opens their breasts to disbelief, on them is wrath from Allah, and theirs will be a terrible torment

[40] Numbers used to call the emergency services such as the Police and Fire Brigade, especially in the North America and Britain.

[41] Surah Al Imran, Verse 118

[42] Surah Al Imran, Verse 28

[43] Surah Al Nisa, Ayaat 138

[44] Surah Al Nisa, Ayaat 144

[45] Surah Ma’idah, Verse 51

[46] Nomads

[47] This is mentioned in the previous chapter when the first few Spanish ships arrived at the port of Wahran to disembark their ships of the expelled Muslims, who would by themselves then move into uthmani territory.

[48] It is the capital of Blida Province, and it is located about 45 km south-west of Algiers, the national capital

[49] A port city in and capital of Mostaganem province, in the northwest of Algeria. The city, founded in the 11th century lies on the Gulf of Arzew, Mediterranean Sea and is 72 km ENE of Wahran

[50] Is a Mediterranean port on the Gulf of Bijaya, capital of Bijaya Province, northern Algeria

[51] A city in the northeastern corner of Algeria near the river Seybouse and the Tunisian border. It is located in Annaba Province.

[52] A sub order of the Shadiliyya tariqah

[53] This is further proof that practicing Muslims were present in Americas under the guise of the Spanish military.

[54] Remember, this was the same fortress that was used by Khayr Al Deen to operate out of in 1504 for numerous ghazawaat, (Abun-Nasr, 148), indicating the location’s utility to be used as a staging post for naval raids.

[55] This is simply more proof that a large number of Andalusi Muslims had lost command over the Arabic language.

[56] And also author of the authoritative book about the expulsion of the ‘Moriscos’ from Spain and their lives in the Maghrib after the expulsion, Kitab Naasir Al Deen A’la Qawm Al Kaafireen

[57] Or Dirham. It was the name of the Unit of currency of the area

[58] He full name was Jawdar Pasha, (pasha was an Uthmani term which denoted the attainement of the rank of governor general)

[59] الطويجن

[60] The Songhay kingdom was located in West Africa, and its capital was the ciy of Gao. At a point in time in the 11th century CE, the Songhay state was only in Gao, and did not control additional territory.

[61] By that it does not mean contemporary Sudan but Greater Sudan, which stretched from east Africa to west Africa. The Sudan extends in a band across Africa from Mali in the west to the western edge of the Ethiopian Highlands in the east.

[62] Askia Ishaq II was ruler of the Songhai Empire from 1588 to 1591. Ishaq came to power in a long dynastic struggle following the death of the long-ruling Askia Daoud. Sensing the Empire’s weakness, Moroccan Sultan Ahmad I al-Mansur Saadi dispatched a 4,000-man force under the Andalusi Muslim Jawdar Pasha across the Sahara desert in October 1590

[63] This refers to the Alawi dynasty of Morocco that have ruled Morocco from 1666-present day.

[64] Sultan of Morocco during the Alawi dynasty’s reign, (which still reigns today), from 1627-1727. His full name was Mawlaai Ismail Ibn Sharif Ibn Nasr.

[65] Notice the obvious Spanish counterpart to this Arabic surname: ‘Carlos’

[66] “[of] very Dark brown/bronze [complexion], from the land of the maghrib”

[67] This is of course blatantly wrong on the part of the inquisitors, and is indicative of their mediocre Arabic skills.

[68] He was probably captured in either congo or Guinea. Evidence points to the fact that it is “…likely that he was a Morisco [Muslim], (Gerhard, 452).”

[69] He was also a Spanish conquistador.

[70] A sacrament is a Christian Rite that mediates Divine grace. In other words, they signify God on earth. These consist of. (usually):

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